OR
A DISCOURSE
Concerning,
The Extent and Value of Lands, People, Buildings:
Husbandry, Manufacture, Commerce, Fishery,
Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers; Publick Revenues,
Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks
Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's,
Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at Sea, &c.
As the same relates to every Country in general,
but more particularly to the Territories of His
Majesty of Great Britain, and his Neighbours of
Holland, Zealand, and France .
By Sir WILLIAM PETTY,
Late Fellow of the Royal Society.
London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, and Hen.
Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1690.
L E T this Book Called Political
Arithmetick, which was long
since Writ by Sir William Petty
deceased, be Printed.
Given at the court at Whitehall the 7th Day of Novemb.
1690.
Nottingham.
TO THE
KING'S
Most Excellent
MAJESTY.
S I R,
Whilest every one meditates some fit Offering for Your
Majesty, such as may best agree with your happy
Exaltation to this Throne; I presume to offer, what my Father
long since writ, to shew the weight and importance of the
English Crown.
It was by him stiled Political Arithmetick, in as much as
things of Government, and of no less concern and extent, than
the Glory of the Prince, and the happiness and greatness of
the People, are by the Ordinary Rules of Arithmetick, brought
into a sort of Demonstration. He was allowed by all, to be
the Inventor of this Method of Instruction; where the
perplexed and intricate ways of the World, are explain'd by a
very mean peice of Science; and had not the Doctrins of this
Essay offended France, they had long since seen the light, and
had found Followers, as well as improvements before this time,
to the advantage perhaps of Mankind.
But this has been reserved to the felicity of Your Majesty's
Reign, and to the expectation which the Learned have therein;
and if while in this, I do some honor to the Memory of a good
Father, I can also pay Service, and some Testimony of my
Zeal and Reverence to so great a King, it will be the utmost
Ambition of
S I R,
Your Majesty's Most Dutiful
and Most Obedient Subject,
Shelborne.
PREFACE.
Forasmuch as Men, who are in a decaying condition, or
who have but an ill opinion of their own Concernments,
instead of being (as some think) the more industrious to
resist the Evils they apprehend, do contrariwise become the
more languid and ineffectual in all their Endeavours, neither
caring to attempt or prosecute even the probable means of
their relief Upon this Consideration, as a Member of the
Common-Wealth, next to knowing the precise Truth in what
condition the common Interest stands, I would in all
doubtful Cases think the best, and consequently not
despair, without strong and manifest Reasons, carefully
examining whatever tends to lessen my hopes of the publick
Welfare.
I have therefore thought fit to examin the following
Perswasions, which I find too currant in the World, and too
much to have affected the Minds of some, to the prejudice of
all, viz.
That the Rents of Lands are generally fall'n; that
therefore, and for many other Reasons, the whole Kingdom
grows every day poorer and poorer; that formerly it
abounded with Gold, but now there is a great scarcity both
of Gold and Silver; that there is no Trade nor Employment
for the People, and yet that the Land is under-peopled; that
Taxes have been many and great; that Ireland and the
Plantations in America and other Additions to the Crown,
are a Burthen to England; that Scotland is of no Advantage;
that Trade in general doth lamentably decay; that the
Hollanders are at our heels, in the race of Naval Power; the
French grow too fast upon both, and appear so rich and
potent, that it is but their Clemency that they do not devour
their Neighbors; and finally, that the Church and State of
England, are in the same danger with the Trade of England;
with many other dismal Suggestions, which I had rather
stifle than repeat.
`Tis true, the Expence of foreign Commodities hath of
late been too great; much of our Plate, had it remain'd
Money, would have better served Trade; too many Matters
have been regulated by Laws, which Nature, long Custom,
and general Consent, ought only to have governed; the
Slaughter and Destruction of Men by the late Civil Wars
and Plague have been great; the Fire at London, and
Disaster at Chatham, have begotten Opinions in the Vulgus
of the World to our Prejudice; the Nonconformists increases;
the People of Ireland think long of their Settlement; the
English there apprehend themselves to be Aliens, and are
forced to seek a Trade with Foreigners, which they might as
well maintain with their own Relations in England. But
notwithstanding all this (the like whereof was always in all
Places), the Buildings of London grow great and glorious;
the American Plantations employ four Hundred Sail of
Ships; Actions in the East-India Company are near double
the principal Money; those who can give good Security,
may have Money under the Statute-Interest; Materials for
building (even Oaken-Timber) are little the dearer, some
cheaper for' the rebuilding of London; the Exchange seems
as full of Merchants as formerly; no more Beggars in the
Streets, nor executed for Thieves, than heretofore; the
Number of Coaches, and Splendor of Equipage exceeding
former Times; the publique Theatres very magnificent; the
King has a greater Navy, and stronger Guards than before
our Calamities; the Clergy rich, and the Cathedrals in
repair; much Land has been improved, and the Price of
Food so reasonable, as that Men refuse to have it cheaper,
by admitting of Irish Cattle; And in brief, no Man needs to
want that will take moderate pains. That some are poorer
than others, ever was and ever will be: And that many are
naturally querulous and envious, is an Evil as old as the
World.
These general Observations, and that Men eat, and drink,
and laugh as they use to do, have encouraged me to try if I
could also comfort others, being satisfied my self, that the
Interest and Affairs of England are in no deplorable
Condition.
The Method I take to do this, is not yet very usual; for
instead of using only comparative and superlative Words,
and intellectual Arguments, I have taken the course (as a
Specimen of the Political Arithmetick I have long aimed
at) to express my self in Terms of Number, Weight, or
Measure; to use only Arguments of Sense, and to consider
only such Causes, as have visible Foundations in Nature;
leaving those that depend upon the mutable Minds, Opinions,
Appetites, and Passions of particular Men, to the Consider-
ation of others: Really professing my self as unable to speak
satisfactorily upon those Grounds (if they may be call'd
Grounds), as to foretel the cast of a Dye; to play well at
Tennis, Billiards, or Bowles, (without long pradice,) by virtue
of the most elaborate Conceptions that ever have been
written De Projectilibus & Missilibus, or of the Angles of
Incidence and Reflection.
Now the Observations or Positions expressed by Number,
Weight, and Measure, upon which I bottom the ensuing
Discourses, are either true, or not apparently false, and which
if they are not already true, certain, and evident, yet may be
made so by the Sovereign Power, Nam id certum est quod
certum reddi potest, and if they are false, not so false as to
destroy the Argument they are brought for; but at worst are
sufficient as Suppositions to shew the way to that Know-
ledge I aim at. And I have withal for the present confined
my self to the Ten principal Conclusions hereafter particularly
handled, which if they shall be judged material, and worthy
of a better Discussion, I hope all ingenious and candid
Persons will rectifie the Errors, Defects, and Imperfections,
which probably may be found in any of the Positions, upon
which these Ratiocinations were grounded. Nor would it
misbecome Authority it self, to clear the Truth of those
Matters which private Endeavours cannot reach to.
THE
Principal Conclusions
OF THIS
TREATISE
ARE,
CHAP. I. That a small Country, and few People, may by their
Situation, Trade, and Policy, be equivalent in Wealth and
Strength, to afar greater People, and Territory. And particularly,
How conveniences for Shipping, and Water Carriage, do most
Eminently, and Fundamentally, conduce thereunto.
Chap. II. That some kind of Taxes, and Publick Levies, may rather
increase than diminish the Common-Wealth.
Chap. III. That France cannot by reason of Natural and Perpetual
Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English, or Hol-
landers.
Chap. IV. That the People, and Territories of the King of England,
are Naturally near as considerable, for Wealth, and Strength, as
those of France.
Chap. V. That the Impediments of Englands Greatness, are but
contingent and removeable.
Chap. VI. That the Power and Wealth of England, hath increased
above this forty years.
Chap. VII. That one tenth part, of the whole Expence, of the King of
England's Subjects; is sufficient to maintain one hundred thousand
Foot, thirty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea, and to
defray all other Charges, of the Government: both Ordinary and
Extraordinary, if the same were regularly Taxed and Raised.
Chap. VIII. That there are spare Hands enough among the King of
England's Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum, more than they
now do, and there are Employments, ready, proper, and sufficient,
for that purpose.
Chap. IX. That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the
Nation.
Chap. X. That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock, competent,
and convenient to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World.
That a small Country and few People, by its Situation, Trade,
and Policy, may be equivalent in Wealth and Strength, to
a far greater People and Territory: And particularly that
conveniencies for Shipping and Water-Carriage, do most
Eminently and Fundamentally conduce thereunto.
This first principal Conclusion by reason of its length, I
consider in three Parts; whereof the first is, That a
small Country and few People, may be equivalent in Wealth
and Strength to a far greater People and Territory.
This part of the first principal Conclusion needs little
proof; forasmuch as one Acre of Land, may bear as much
Corn, and feed as many Cattle as twenty, by the difference
of the Soil; some parcel of Ground is naturally so defensible,
as that an Hundred Men being possessed thereof, can resist
the Invasion of Five Hundred; and bad Land may be
improved and made good; Bog may by draining be made
Meadow; Heath-land may (as in Flanders) be made to bear
Flax and Clover-grass, so as to advance in value from one to
an Hundred The same Land being built upon, may
centuple the Rent which it yielded as Pasture; one Man is
more nimble, or strong, and more patient of labor than
another; one Man by Art may do as much work, as many
without it; viz, one Man with a Mill can grind as much
Corn, as twenty can pound in a Mortar; one Printer can
make as many Copies, as an Hundred Men can write by
hand; one Horse can carry upon Wheels, as much as Five
upon their Backs; and in a Boat, or upon Ice, as Twenty:
So that I say again, this first point of this general Position,
needs little or no proof. But the second and more material
part of this Conclusion is, that this difference in Land and
People, arises principally from their Situation, Trade, and
Policy.
To clear this, I shall compare Holland and Zealand with
the Kingdom of France viz. Holland and Zealand do not
contain above one Million of English Acres, whereas the
Kingdom of France contains above 80.
Now the Original and Primitive difference holds pro-
portion as Land to Land, for it is hard to say, that when
these places were first planted, whether an Acre in France
was better than the like quantity in Holland and Zealand;
nor is there any reason to suppose, but that therefore upon
the first Plantation, the number of Planters was in Proportion
to the quantity of Land; wherefore, if the People are not in
the same proportion as the Land, the same must be attributed
to the Scituation of the Land, and to the Trade and Policy of
the People superstructed thereupon.
The next thing to be shewn is, that Holland and Zealand
at this day, is not only an eightieth part as rich and strong
as France, but that it hath advanced to one third or there-
abouts, which I think will appear upon the Ballance of the
following particulars, viz.
As to the Wealth of France, a certain Map of that
Kingdom, set forth Anno 1647. represents it to be fifteen
Millions, whereof six did belong to the Church, the Author
thereof (as I suppose) meaning the Rents of the Lands only:
And the Author of a most Judicious discourse of Husbandry
(supposed to be Sir Richard Weston,) doth from reason and
experience shew, that Lands in the Netherlands, by bearing
Flax, Turneps, Clover-grass, Madder, &c. will easily yield
10 l. per Acre; so as the Territories of Holland and Zealand,
should by his account yield at least Ten Millions per annum,
yet I do not believe the same to be so much, nor France so
little as abovesaid, but rather, that one bears to the other as
about 7, or 8 to 1.
The People of Amsterdam, are one third of those in Paris
or London, which two Cities differ not in People a twentieth
part from each other, as hath appeared by the Bills of Burials
and Christnings for each. But the value of the Buildings in
Amsterdam, may well be half that of Paris, by reason of the
Foundations, Grafts, and Bridges, which in Amsterdam are
more numerous and chargeable than at Paris. Moreover the
Habitations of the poorest People in Holland and Zealand
are twice or thrice as good as those of France; but the
People of the one to the People of the other, being but as
thirteen to one, the value of the housing must be as about
five to one.
The value of the Shipping of Europe, being about two
Millions of Tuns, I suppose the English have Five Hundred
Thousand, the Dutch Nine Hundred Thousand, the French
an Hundred Thousand, the Hamburgers, and the Subjects
of Denmark, Sweden, and the Town of Dansick two Hundred
and Fifty Thousand, and Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. two
Hundred and Fifty Thousand; so as the Shipping in our
case of France to that of Holland and Zealand, is about one
to nine, which reckoned as great and small, new and old, one
with another at 8 l. per Tun, makes the worth to be as Eight
Hundred Thousand Pounds, to Seven Millions, and Two
Hundred Thousand Pounds. The Hollanders Capital in the
East-India Company, is worth above Three Millions;
where the French as yet have little or nothing.
The value of the Goods exported out of France into all
Parts, are supposed Quadruple to what is sent to England
alone; and consequently in all about Five Millions, but
what is exported out of Holland into England is worth Three
Millions; and what is exported thence into all the World
besides, is sextuple to the same.
The Monies Yearly raised by the King of France, as the
same appears by the Book intituled (The State of France)
Dedicated to the King, Printed Anno 1669. and set forth
several times by Authority, is 82000000 of French Livers,
which is about 6½ Millions of Pounds Sterling, of which
summ the Author says, that one fifth part was abated for
non-valuers or Insolvencies, so (as I suppose) not above Five
Millions were effectually raised : But whereas some say, that
the King of France raised Eleven Millions as the 1/5 of the
effects of France; I humbly affirm, that all the Land and
Sea Forces, all the Buildings and Entertainments, which we
have heard by common Fame, to have been set forth and
made in any of these seven last Years, needed not to have
cost six Millions Sterling; wherefore, I suppose he hath not
raised more, especially since there were one fifth Insolvencies,
when the Tax was at that pitch. But Holland and Zealand,
paying 67 of the 100, paid by all the United Provinces, and
the City of Amsterdam paying 27 of the said 67; It follows
that if Amsterdam hath paid 4000 l. Flemish per diem, or
about 1400000 l. per annum, or 800000 l. Sterling; that all
Holland and Zealand, have paid 2100000 l. per annum: Now
the reasons why I think they pay so much, are these, viz.
1. The Author of the State of the Netherlands saith so.
2. Excise of Victual at Amsterdam, seems above half
the Original value of the same, viz.
Ground Corn pays 20 Stivers the Bushel, or 63 Gilders the
Last; Beer 1 13 Stivers the Barrel, Housing 1/6 of Rent
Fruit of what it cost; other Commodities 1/7, 1/9, 1/122; Salt
ad libitum, all weighed Goods pay besides the Premisses a
vast summ; now if the expence of the People of Amsterdam
at a medium, and without Excise were 8 l. per annum,
whereas in England `tis 7 l. then if all the several Imposts
above named, raise it Five Pound more, there being 160000
Souls in Amsterdam, the summ of 800000 l. Sterling per
annum will thereby be raised.
3. Though the expence of each head, should be 13 l. per
annum; `tis well known that there be few in Amsterdam,
who do not earn much more than the said expence.
4. If Holland and Zealand pay p. an. 2100000 l. then all
the Provinces together, must pay about 3000000 l. less than
which summ per annum, perhaps is not sufficient to have
maintained the Naval War with England; 72000 Land
Forces, besides all other the ordinary Charges of their
Government, whereof the Church is there apart: To con-
clude, it seems from the Premisses, that all France doth not
raise above thrice as much from the publick charge, as
Holland and Zealand alone do.
5. Interest of Money in France, is 7 l. per cent. but in
Holland scarce half so much.
6. The Countries of Holland and Zealand; consisting as
it were of Islands guarded with the Sea, Shipping, and
Marshes, is defensible at one fourth of the charge, that a
plain open Country is, and where the feat of War may be
both Winter and Summer; whereas in the others, little can
be done but in the Summer only.
7. But above all the particulars hitherto considered, that
of superlucration ought chiefly to be taken in; for if a Prince
have never so many Subjects, and his Country be never so
good, yet if either through sloth, or extravagant expences, or
Oppression and Injustice, whatever is gained shall be spent
as fast as gotten, that State must be accounted poor;
wherefore let it be considered, how much or how many times
rather, Holland and Zealand are now above what they were
100 years ago, which we must also do of France: Now if
France hath scarce doubled its Wealth and Power, and that
the other have decupled theirs; I shall give the preference to
the latter, even although the 9/10 increased by the one, should
not exceed the one half gained by the other, because one
has a store for Nine Years, the other but for one.
To conclude, upon the whole it seems, that though
France be in People to Holland and Zealand as 13 to 1, and
in quantity of good Land, as 80 to one, yet it is not 13 times
richer and stronger, much less 80 times, nor much above
thrice, which was to be proved.
Having thus dispatched the two first Branches of the
first Principal conclusion; it follows, to shew that this
difference of Improvement in Wealth and Strength, arises
from the Situation, Trade, and Policy of the places re-
spectively; and in particular from Conveniencies for Shipping
and Water Carriage.
Many Writing on this Subject do so magnifie the
Hollanders' as if they were more, and all other Nations less
than Men (as to the matters of Trade and Policy) making
them Angels, and others Fools, Brutes, and Sots, as to those
particulars; whereas I take the Foundation of their atchieve-
ments to lie originally in the Situation of the Country,
whereby they do things inimitable by others, and have
advantages whereof others are incapable.
First, The Soil of Holland and Zealand is low Land,
Rich and Fertile; whereby it is able to feed many Men, and
so as that Men may live near each other, for their mutual
assistance in Trade. I say, that a Thousand Acres, that
can feed 1000 Souls, is better than 10000 Acres of no more
effect, for the following reasons, viz.
1. Suppose some great Fabrick were in Building by a
Thousand Men, shall not much more time be spared if they
lived all upon a Thousand Acres, then if they were forced to
live upon ten times as large a Scope of Land.
2. The charge of the cure of their Souls, and the
Ministry would be far greater in one case than in the other;
as also of mutual defence in case of Invasion, and even of
Thieves and Robbers: Moreover the charge of the ad-
ministration of Justice would be much easier, where Witnesses
and Parties may be easily Summoned, Attendance less
expensive, when Mens Actions would be better known, when
wrongs and injuries could not be covered, as in thin peopled
places they are.
Lastly, those who live in Solitary places, must be their
own Soldiers, Divines, Physicians, and Lawyers; and must
have their Houses stored with necessary Provisions (like a
Ship going upon a long Voyage,) to the great wast, and
needless expence of such Provisions. The value of this first
convenience to the Dutch, I reckon or estimate to he ahout
100000 1. per annum.
2ly. Holland is a Level Country, so as in any part
thereof, a Windmill may he set up, and hy its heing moist
and vaporous, there is always wind stirring over it, by which
advantage the labor of many thousand Hands is saved,
forasmuch as a Mill made by one Man in half a year, will do
as much Labor, as four Men for Five Years together. This
advantage is greater or less, where employment or ease of
Labour is so; but in Holland `tis eminently great, and the
worth of this conveniency is near an Hundred and Fifty
Thousand Pounds.
3ly. There is much more to be gained by Manufacture
than Husbandry, and by Merchandize than Manufacture;
but Holland and Zealand, being seated at the mouths of
three long great Rivers, and passing through Rich Countries,
do keep all the Inhabitants upon the sides of those Rivers
hut as Husbandmen, whilst themselves are the Manufactors
of their Commodities, and do dispence them into all Parts of
the World, making returns for the same, at what prices
almost they please themselves; and in short, they keep the
Keys of Trade of those Countries, through which the said
Rivers pass; the value of this third conveniency, I suppose
to be 200000 l.
4ly. In Holland and Zealand, there is scarce any place
of work, or business one Mile distant from a Navigable
Water, and the charge of Water carriage is generally but 1/15
or part of Land carriage; Wherefore if there be as much
Trade there as in France, then the Hollanders can out-sell the
French 14/15 of all the expence, of all Travelling Postage and
carriage whatsoever, which even in England I take to be
300000 1. p. an. where the very Postage of Letters, costs the
People perhaps 50000 l. per annum, though Farmed at much
less, and all other Labour of Horses, and Porters, at least six
times as much ; The value of this conveniency I estimate
to be above Three Hundred Thousand pounds per annum.
5. The defensibleness of the Country, by reason of its
Situation in the Sea upon Islands, and in the Marshes,
Impassible ground Diked and Trenched, especially con-
sidering how that place is aimed at for its Wealth; I say the
charge of defending that Country, is easier than if it were a
plain Champion, at least 200000 1. per annum.
6. Holland is so considerable for keeping Ships in
Harbour with small expence of Men, and ground Tackle,
that it saves per annum 200000 l. of what must be spent in
France. Now if all these natural advantages do amount to
above one Million per annum Profits, and that the Trade of
all Europe, nay of the whole World, with which our Europeans
do Trade, is not above 45 Millions p. an. and if of the
value be 1/7 of the Profit, it is plain that the Ho/lander may
Command and Govern the whole Trade.
7. Those who have their Situation thus towards the Sea,
and abound with Fish at home, and having also the
command of Shipping, have by consequence the Fishing
Trade, whereof that of Herring alone, brings more yearly
Profit to the Hollanders than the Trade of the West-Indies to
Spain, or of the East to themselves, as many have affirmed,
being as the same say viis & modis of above three Millions
per annum Profit.
8. It is not to be doubted, but those who have the
Trade of Shipping and Fishing, will secure themselves of
the Trade of Timber for Ships, Boats, Masts, and Cask; of
Hemp for Cordage, Sails, and Nets; of Salt, of Iron; as also
of Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Brimstone, Oil, and Tallow, as necessary
Appurtenances to Shipping and Fishing.
9. Those who predominate in Shipping, and Fishing,
have more occasions than others to frequent all parts of the
World, and to observe what is wanting or redundant every
where, and what each People can do, and what they desire,
and consequently to be the Factors, and Carriers for the
whole World of Trade. Upon which ground they bring all
Native Commodities to be Manufadured at home, and carry
the same back, even to that Country in which they grew,
all which we see.
For, do they not work the Sugars of the West-Indies?
The Timber and Iron of the Baltick? The Hemp of Russia?
The Lead, Tin, and Wooll of England? The Quick-silver
and Silk of Italy? The Yarns, and Dying Stuffs of Turkey,
&c. To be short, in all the ancient States, and Empires,
those who had the Shipping, had the Wealth, and if 2 per
Cent, in the price of Commodities, be perhaps 20 per Cent. in
the gain: it is manifest that they who can in forty five
Millions, undersel others by one Million, (upon accompt of
natural1, and intrinsick advantages only) may easily have the
Trade of the World without such Angelical Wits and
Judgments, as some attribute to the Ho/landers.
Having thus done with their Situation, I come now to
their Trade.
It is commonly seen, that each Country flourisheth in the
Manufacture of its own Native Commodities, viz. England
for woollen Manufacture, France for Paper, Luic-land for
Iron Ware, Portugal for Confectures, Italy for Silks; upon
which Principle it follows, that Holland and Zealand must
flourish most in the Trade of Shipping, and so become
Carriers and Factors of the whole World of Trade. Now the
advantages of the Shipping Trade are as followeth, vis.
Husbandmen, Seamen, Soldiers, Artizans and Merchants,
are the very Pillars of any Common-Wealth; all the other
great Professions, do rise out of the infirmities, and mis-
carriages of these; now the Seaman is three of these four.
For every Seaman of industry and ingenuity, is not only a
Navigator, but a Merchant, and also a Soldier; not because
he hath often occasion to fight, and handle Arms; but
because he is familiarized with hardship and hazards, ex-
tending to Life and Limbs; for Training and Drilling is a
small part of Soldiery, in respect of this last mentioned
Qualification; the one being quickly and presently learned,
the other not without many years most painful experience:
wherefore to have the occasion of abounding in Seamen, is a
vast conveniency.
2. The Husbandman of England earns but about 4s. per
Week, but the Seamen have as good as 12s. in Wages,
Victuals (and as it were housing) with other accommodations,
so as a Seaman is in effect three Husbandmen; wherefore
there is little Ploughing, and Sowing of Corn in Ho/land and
Zealand, or breeding of young Cattle: but their Land is
improved by building Houses, Ships, Engines, Dikes, Wharfs,
Gardens of pleasure, extraordinary Flowers and Fruits; for
Dairy and feeding of Cattle, for Rape, Flax, Madder, &c.
The Foundations of several advantageous Manufactures.
3. Whereas the Employment of other Men is confined
to their own Country, that of Seamen is free to the whole
World; so as where Trade may (as they call it) be dead here
or there, now and then, it is certain that some where or
other in the World Trade is always quick enough, and
Provisions are always plentiful, the benefit whereof, those
who command the Shipping enjoy, and they only.
4. The great and ultimate effect of Trade is not Wealth
at large, but particularly abundance of Silver, Gold, and
Jewels, which are not perishable, nor so mutable as other
Commodities, but are Wealth at all times, and all places:
Whereas abundance of Wine, Corn, Fowls, Flesh, &c. are
Riches but hic & nunc, so as the raising of such Commodities,
and the following of such Trade, which does store the
Country with Gold, Silver, Jewels, &c. is profitable before
others. But the Labour of Seamen, and Freight of Ships, is
always of the nature of an Exported Commodity, the overplus
whereof, above what is Imported, brings home mony, &c.
5. Those who have the command of the Sea Trade, may
Work at easier Freight with more profit, than others at
greater: for as Cloth must be cheaper made, when one
Cards, another Spins, another Weaves, another Draws, an-
other Dresses, another Presses and Packs; than when all the
Operations above-mentioned, were clumsily performed by the
same hand; so those who command the Trade of Shipping,
can build long slight Ships for carrying Masts, Fir-Timber,
Boards, Balks, &c. And short ones for Lead, Iron, Stones.
&c. One sort of Vessels to Trade at Ports where they need
never lie a ground, others where they must jump upon the
Sand twice every twelve hours; One sort of Vessels, and
way of manning in time of Peace, and cheap gross
Goods, another for War and precious Commodities; One
sort of Vessels for the turbulent Sea, another for Inland
Waters and Rivers; One sort of Vessels, and Rigging, where
haste is requisite for the Maidenhead of a Market, another
where 1/5 or 1/4 part of the time makes no matter. One sort of
Masting and Rigging for long Voyages, another for Coasting.
One sort of Vessels for Fishing, another for Trade. One
sort for War for this or that Country, another for Burthen
only. Some for Oars, some for Poles, some for Sails, and
some for draught by Men or Horses, some for the Northern
Navigations amongst Ice, and some for the South against
Worms, &c. And this I take to be the chief of several
Reasons, why the Hollanders can go at less Freight than
their Neighbours, viz, because they can afford a particular sort
of Vessels for each particular Trade.
I have shewn how Situation hath given them Shipping,
and how Shipping hath given them in effect all other
Trade, and how Foreign Traffick must give them as much
Manufacture as they can manage themselves, and as for the
overplus, make the rest of the World but as Workmen to
their Shops. It now remains to shew the effects of their
Policy, superstructed upon these natural advantages, and not
as some think upon the excess of their Understandings.
I have omitted to mention the Hollanders were one
hundred years since, a poor and oppressed People, living in a
Country naturally cold and unpleasant: and were withal
persecuted for their Heterodoxy in Religion.
From hence it necessarily follows, that this People must
Labour hard, and set all hands to Work: Rich and Poor,
Young and Old, must study the Art of Number, Weight,
and Measure; must fare hard, provide for Impotents, and
for Orphans, out of hope to make profit by their Labours:
must punish the Lazy by Labour, and not by cripling them:
I say, all these particulars, said to be the subtile excogit-
ations of the Hollanders, seem to me, but what could not
almost have been otherwise.
Liberty of Conscience, Registry of Conveyances, small
Customs, Banks, Lumbards, and Law Merchant, rise all from
the same Spring, and tend to the same Sea; as for lowness
of Interest, it is also a necessary effect of all the premisses,
and not the Fruit of their contrivance.
Wherefore we shall only shew in particular the efficacy
of each, and first of Liberty of Conscience; but before I
enter upon these, I shall mention a Practice almost forgotten,
(whether it referreth to Trade or Policy is not material,)
which is, the Hollanders undermasting, and sailing such of
their Shipping, as carry cheap and gross Goods, and whose
Sale doth not depend much upon Season.
It is to be noted, that of two equal and like Vessels, if
one spreads one thousand six hundred Yards of like Canvase,
and the other two thousand five hundred, their speed is but
as four to five, so as one brings home the same Timber in
four days, as the other will in five. Now if we consider that
although those Ships be but four or five days under Sail, that
they are perhaps thirty upon the Voyage; so as the one is
but part longer upon the whole Voyage than the other,
though one fifth longer under Sail. Now if Masts, Yards,
Rigging, Cables, and Anchors, do all depend upon the
quantity and extent of the Sails, and consequently hands
also; it follows, that the one Vessel, goes at one third less
charge, losing but one thirtieth of the time, and of what
depends thereupon.
I now come to the first Policy of the Dutch, viz. Liberty
of Conscience; which I conceive they grant upon these
Grounds. (But keeping up always a Force to maintain the
Common Peace,) 1. They themselves broke with Spain, to
avoid the imposition of the Clergy. 2. Dissenters of this
kind, are for the most part, thinking, sober, and patient Men,
and such as believe that Labour and Industry is their Duty
towards God. (How erroneous soever their Opinions be.)
3. These People believing the Justice of God, and seeing
the most Licentious persons, to enjoy most of the World,
and its best things, will never venture to be of the same
Religion and Profession with Voluptuaries, and Men of
extreme Wealth and Power, who they think have their
Portion in this World.
4. They cannot but know, That no Man can believe
what himself pleases, and to force Men to say they believe
what they do not, is vain, absurd, and without Honor to God.
5. The Hollanders knowing themselves not to be an
Infallible Church, and that others had the same Scripture for
Guides as themselves, and withal the same Interest to save
their Souls, did not think fit to make this matter their
business; not more than to take Bonds of the Seamen they
employ, not to cast away their own Ships and Lives.
6. The Hollanders observe that in France and Spain,
(especially the latter) the Churchmen are about one hundred
for one, to what they use or need; the principal care of
whom is to preserve Uniformity, and this they take to be a
superfluous charge.
7. They observe where most indeavours have been used
to keep Uniformity, there Heterodoxy hath most abounded.
8. They believe that if 1/4 of the People were Heterodox,
and that if that whole quarter should by Miracle be re-
moved, that within a small time 1/4 of the remainder would
again become Heterodox some way or other, it being natural
for Men to differ in Opinion in matters above Sense and
Reason: and for those who have less Wealth, to think they
have the more Wit and Understanding, especially of the
things of God, which they think chiefly belong to the Poor.
9. They think the case of the Primitive Christians, as it
is represented in the Acts of the Apostles, looks like that of
the present Dissenters, (I mean externally.) Moreover it is
to be observed that Trade doth not (as some think) best
flourish under Popular Governments, but rather that Trade is
most vigorously carried on, in every State and Government,
by the Heterodox part of the same, and such as profess
Opinions different from what are publickly established: (that
is to say) in India where the Mahometan Religion is Author-
ized, there the Banians are the most considerable Merchants.
In the Turkish Empire the Jews, and Christians. At Venice,
Naples, Legorn, Genoua, and Lisbone, Jews, and Non-Papist
Merchant-Strangers: but to be short, in that part of Europe,
where the Roman Catholick Religion now hath, or lately
hath had Establishment; there three quarters of the whole
Trade, is in the hands of such as have separated from the
Church (that is to say) the Inhabitants of England, Scotland,
and Ireland, as also those of the United Provinces, with
Denmark, Sueden, and Norway, together with the Subjects of
the German Protestant Princes, and the Hans Towns, do at
this day possess three quarters of the Trade of the World;
and even in France it self, the Hugonots are proportionably
far the greatest Traders; Nor is it to be denied but that in
Ireland, where the said Roman Religion is not Authorized,
there the Professors thereof have a great part of the Trade.
From whence it follows that Trade is not fixt to any
Species of Religion as such; but rather as before hath been
said to the Hetrodox part of the whole, the truth whereof
appears also in all the particular Towns of greatest Trade in
England; nor do I find reason to believe, that the Roman
Catholick Seamen in the whole World, are sufficient to
Man effectually a Fleet equal to what the King of England
now hath; but the Non-papist Seamen, can do above thrice
as much. Wherefore he whom this latter Party doth af-
fectionately own to be their Head, cannot probably be
wronged in his Sea-concernments by the other; from whence
it follows, that for the advancement of Trade, (if that be a
sufficient reason) Indulgence must be granted in matters of
Opinion; though licentious actings as even in Holland, be
restrained by force.
The second Policy or help to Trade used by the
Hollanders, is securing the Titles to Lands and Houses; for
although Lands and Houses may be called Terra Firma &
res immobilis, yet the Title unto them is no more certain,
than it pleases the Lawyers and Authority to make them
wherefore the Hollanders do by Registries, and other ways of
Assurance make the Title as immovable as the Lands, for
there can be no incouragement to Industry, where there is no
assurance of what shall be gotten by it; and where by fraud
and corruption, one Man may take away with ease and by
a trick, and in a moment what another has gotten by many
Years' extreme labour and pains.
There hath been much discourse, about introducing of
Registries into England; the Lawyers for the most part
object against it, alledging that Titles of Land in England
are sufficiently secure already; wherefore omitting the con-
siderations of small and oblique reasons pro & contra, it were
good that enquiry were made from the Officers of several
Courts, to what summ or value Purchasers have been
damnified for this last ten Years, by such fraudulent con-
veyances as Registries would have prevented; the tenth part
whereof at a Medium, is the annual loss which the People
sustain for want of them, and then computation is to be
made of the annual charge of Registring such extraordinary
Conveyances, as would secure the Title of Lands; now by
comparing these two summs, the Question so much agitated
may be determined; though some think that though few are
actually damnified, yet that all are hindered by fear and
deterred from Dealing.
Their third Policy is their Bank, the use whereof is to
encrease Mony, or rather to make a small summ equivalent
in Trade to a greater, for the effecting whereof these things
are to be considered. 1.. How much Money will drive the
Trade of the Nation. 2. How much current Money there is
actually in the Nation. 3. How much Money will serve to
make all payments of under 50 l.. or any other more con-
venient summ throughout the Year. 4. For what summ the
keepers of the Bank are unquestionable Security: If all
these four particulars be well known, then it may also be
known, how much of the ready Money above mentioned may
safely and profitably be lodged in the Bank, and to how
much ready current Money the said deposited Money is
equivalent. As for example, suppose a Hund. thous. Pounds
will drive the Trade of the Nation, & suppose there be but
Sixty thousand Pounds of ready Money in the same;
suppose also that Twenty thous. Pounds will drive on and
answer all Payments made of under 50 l. In this case Forty
of the Sixty being put into the Bank, will be. equivalent to
Eighty, which eighty and twenty kept out of the Bank do
make up an Hundred, (that is to say) enough to drive the
Trade as was proposed; where note that the Bank keepers
must be responsible for double the summ intrusted with
them, and must have power to levy upon the general, what
they happen to loose unto particular Men.
Upon which grounds, the Bank may freely make use of
the received Forty thousand Pounds, whereby the said summ,
with the like summ in Credit makes Eighty thousand
Pounds, and with the Twenty reserved an Hundred.
I might here add many more particulars, but being the
e same as have already been noted by others, I shall conclude
only with adding one observation which I take to be of
consequence, viz. That the Hollanders do rid their hands of
two Trades, which are of greatest turmoil and danger, and
yet of least profit; the first whereof is that of a common and
private Soldier, for such they can hire from England; Scot-
land, and Germany, to venture their lives for Six pence a
day, whilst themselves safely and quietly follow such Trades,
whereby the meanest of them gain six times as much, and
withal by this entertaining of Strangers for Soldiers; their
Country becomes more and more peopled, forasmuch as the
Children of such Strangers, are Hollanders and take to
Trades, whilst new Strangers are admitted ad infinitum;
besides these Soldiers at convenient intervals, do at least as
much work as is equivalent to what they spend, and
consequently by this way of employing of Strangers for
Soldiers, they People the Country and save their own
Persons from danger and misery, without any real expence,
effecting by this method, what others have in vain attempted
by Laws for Naturalizing of Strangers, as if Men could be
charmed to transplant themselves from their own Native,
into a Foreign Country merely by words, and for the bare.
leave of being called by a new Name. In Ireland Laws of
Naturalization have had little effect, to bring in Aliens, and
`tis no wonder, since English Men will not go thither without
they may have the pay of Soldiers, or some other advantage
amounting to maintenance.
Having intimated the way by which the Hollanders do
increase their People, 1 shall here digress to set down the
way of computing the value of every Head one with
another, and that by the instance of People in England, viz.
Suppose the People of England be Six Millions in number,
that their expence at 7 1. per Head be forty two Millions:
suppose also that the Rent of the Lands be eight Millions,
and the profit of all the Personal Estate be Eight Millions
more ; it must needs follow, that the Labour of the
People must have supplyed the remaining Twenty Six
Millions, the which multiplied by Twenty (the Mass of
Mankind being worth Twenty Years purchase as well as
Land) makes Five Hundred and Twenty Millions, as the
value2 of the whole People: which number divided by Six
Millions, makes above 80 l. Sterling, to be valued of each
Head of Man, Woman, and Child, and of adult Persons twice
as much; from whence we may learn to compute the loss we
have sustained by the Plague, by the Slaughter of Men in
War, and by the sending them abroad into the Service of
Foreign Princes. `The other Trade of which the Hollanders
have rid their Hands, is the old Patriarchal. Trade of being
Cow-keepers, and in a great Measure of that which concerns
Ploughing and Sowing of Corn, having put that Employment
upon the Danes and Polanders, from whom they have their
Young Cattle and Corn. Now here we may take notice,
that as Trades and curious Arts increase; so the Trade of
Husbandry will decrease, or else the Wages of Husband men
must rise, and consequently the Rents of Lands must fall.
For proof whereof I dare affirm, that if all the Husband-
men of England, who now earn but 8 d. a day or thereabouts,
could become Tradesmen and earn 16d. a day (which is no
great Wages 2 s. and 2S. 6 d. being usually given) that then
it would be the advantage of England to throw up their
Husbandry, and to make no use of their Lands, but for
Grass Horses, Milch Cows, Gardens, and Orchards, &c. which
if it be so, and if Trade and Manufacture have increased in
England (that is to say) if a greater part of the People,
apply themselves to those faculties, than there did heretofore,
and if the price of Corn be no greater now, than when
Husbandmen were more numerous, and Tradesmen fewer;
It follows from that single reason (though others may be
added) that the Rents of Land must fall: As for example,
suppose the price of Wheat he 5 s. or 60 pence the Bushel;
now if the Rent of the Land whereon it grows, be the third
Sheaf; then of the 6od. 20d. is for the Land, and 40d. for
the Husbandman; But if the Husbandmans Wages, should
rise one eighth part, or from 8 d. to 9 d. per Diem, then the
Husbandmans share in the Bushel of Wheat, rises from 40d.
to 45 d. And consequently the Rent of the Land must fall
from 20 d. to 15 d. for we suppose the price of the Wheat
still remains the same: Especially since we cannot raise it,
for if we did attempt it, Corn would be brought in to us,
(as into Holland from Foreign Parts, where the State of
Husbandry was not changed.
And thus I have done with the first principal Conclusion,
that, A smnal/ Territory, and even a few People, mnay by Situa-
tion, Trade, and Polity, be made equivalent to a greater; and
that convenience for Shipping, and Water-carriage, do most
eminently and fundamentally conduce thereun to.
That some kind of Taxes and Publick Levies, may rather
increase than diminish the Wealth of the Kingdom.
IF the Money or other Effects, levyed from the People by
way of Tax, were destroyed and annihilated; then `tis
clear, that such Levies would diminish the Commonwealth:
Or if the same were exported out of the Kingdom without
any return at all, then the case would be also the same or
worse': But if what is levyed as aforesaid, be only transferred
from one hand to another, then we are only to consider
whether the said Money or Commodities, are taken from
an improving hand, and given to an ill Husband, or vice
versa: As for example, suppose that Money by way of
Tax, be taken from one who spendeth the same in superfluous
eating and drinking; and delivered to another who em-
ployeth the same, in improving of Land; in Fishing, in
working of Mines, in Manufacture, &c. It is manifest, that
such Tax is an advantage to the State whereof the said
different Persons are Members: Nay, if Money be taken
from him, who spendeth the same as aforesaid upon eating
and drinking, or any other perishing Commodity; and the
same transferr'd to one that bestoweth it on Cloaths; I say,
that even in this case, the Commonwealth hath some little
advantage; because Cloaths do not altogether perish so soon
as Meats and Drinks: But if the same be spent in Furniture
of Houses, the advantage is yet a little more; if in Building
of Houses, yet more; if in improving of Lands; working of
Mines, Fishing, &c. yet more; but most of all, in bringing
Gold and Silver into the Country: Because those things are
not only not perishable, but are esteemed for Wealth at all
times, and every where: Whereas other Commodities which
are perishable, or whose value depends upon the Fashion; or
which are contingently scarce and plentiful, are wealth, but
pro hic & nunc, as shall be elsewhere said
In the next place if the People of any Country, who have
not already a full employment, should be enjoyned or Taxed
to work upon such Commodities as are Imported from abroad;
I say, that such a Tax, also doth improve the Commonwealth.
Moreover, if Persons who live by begging, cheating,
stealing, gaming, borrowing without intention of restoring;
who by those ways do get from the credulous and careless,
more than is sufficient for the subsistence of such Persons
I say, that although the State should have no present
employment for such Persons, and consequently should be
forced to bear the whole charge of their livelyhood; yet it
were more for the publick profit to give all such Persons, a
regular and competent allowance by Publick Tax; than to
suffer them to spend extravagantly, at the only charge of
careless, credulous, and good natured People: And to expose
the Commonwealth to the loss of so many able Men, whose
lives are taken away, for the crimes which ill Discipline doth
occasion.
On the contrary, If the Stocks of laborious and ingenious
Men, who are not only beautifying the Country where they
live by elegant Dyet, Apparrel, Furniture, Rousing, pleasant
Gardens, Orchards, and Publick Edifices, &c. But are also
increasing the Gold, Silver, and Jewels of the Country by
Trade and Arms; I say, if the Stock of these Men should be
diminished by a Tax, and transferred to such as do nothing
at all, but eat and drink, sing, play, and dance; nay to such
as study the Metaphysicks, or other needless Speculation; or
else employ themselves in any other way, which produce no
material thing, or things of real use and value in the Com-
monwealth: In this case, the Wealth of the Publick will be
diminished: Otherwise than as such exercises, are recreations
and refreshments of the mind; and which being moderately
used, do qualifie and dispose Men to what in it self is more
considerable.
Wherefore upon the whole matter, to know whether a
Tax will do good or harm: The State of the People, and
their employments, must be well known; (that is to say,)
what part of the People are unfit for Labour by their
Infancy or Impotency; and also what part are exempt from
the same, by reason of their Wealth, Function, or Dignities;
or by reason of their charge and employments; otherwise
than in governing, directing and preserving those, who are
appointed to Labour and Arts.
2. In the next place computation must be made, what
part of those who are fit for Labour and Arts as aforesaid,
are able to perform the work of the Nation in its present
State and Measure.
3. It is to be considered, whether the remainder can
make all or any part of those Commodities, which are
Imported from abroad; which of them, and how much in
particular: The remainder of which sort of People (if any
be) may safely and without possible prejudice to the Com-
monwealth, be employed in Arts and Exercises of pleasure
and ornament; the greatest whereof is the Improvement of
natural knowledge.
Having thus in general illustrated this point, which I
think needs no other proof but illustration; I come next to
intimate that no part of Europe hath paid so much by way
of Tax, and publick contribution, as Holland and Zealand
for this last 100 Years; and yet no Country hath in the same
time, increased their Wealth comparably to them: And it
is manifest they have followed the general considerations
above-mentioned; for they Tax Meats and Drinks most
heavily of all; to restrain the excessive expence of those
things, which 24 hours doth (as to the use of Man,) wholly
annihilate; and they are more favourable to Commodities
of greater duration.
Nor do they Tax according to what Men gain, but in
extraordinary cases; but always according to what Men
spend: And most of all, according to what they spend
needlesly, and without prospect of return. Upon which
grounds, their Customs upon Goods Imported and Exported,
are generally low; as if they intended by them, only to keep
an account of their Foreign Trade; and to retaliate upon
their Neighbour States, the prejudices done them, by their
Prohibitions and Impositions.
It is further to be observed, that since the Year 1636, the
Taxes and Publick Levies made in England; Scotland; and
Ireland, have been prodigiously greater than at any time
heretofore; and yet the said Kingdoms have increased in
their Wealth and Strength, for these last Forty Years, as
shall hereafter be shewn.
It is said that the King of France, at present doth Levy
the Fifth Part of his Peoples Wealth; and yet great Osten-
tation is made of the Present Riches and Strength of that
Kingdom. Now great care must be had in distinguishing
between the Wealth of the People, and that of an absolute
Monarch; who taketh from the People, where, when, and in
what proportion he pleaseth. Moreover, the Subjects of
two Monarchs may be equally Rich, and yet one Monarch
may be double as Rich as the other; viz. If one take the
tenth part of the Peoples Substance to his own dispose, and
the other but the 20th. nay the Monarch of a poorer People,
may appear more splendid and glorious, than that of a
Richer; which perhaps may be somewhat the case of France,
as hereafter shall be examined. As an instance and applica-
tion of what hath been said, I conceive that in Ireland
wherein are about 1200 Thousand People, and near 300
Thousand Smokes or Hearths; It were more tolerable for
the People, and more profitable for the King; that each
Head paid 2s. worth of Flax, than that each smoke should
pay 2 s. in Silver; And that for the following reasons.
1. Ireland being under peopled, and Land, and Cattle
being very cheap; there being every where store of Fish
and Fowl; the ground yielding excellent Roots (and par-
ticularly that bread-like root Potatoes) and withal they
being able to perform their Husbandry, with such harness
and tackling, as each Man can make with his own hands;
and living in such Houses as almost every Man can build;
and every House-wife being a Spinner and Dyer of Wool
and Yarn, they can live and subsist after their present
fashion, without the use of Gold or Silver Money; and can
supply themselves with the necessaries above named, without
labouring 2 Hours per diem: Now it hath been found, that
by reason of Insolvencies arising, rather from the uselessness
than want of Money among these poor People; that from
300 Thousand Hearths, which should have yielded 30 Thou-
sand Pound per annum; not 15 Thousand Pound of Money
could be Levyed: Whereas it is easily imagined, that four or
five People dwelling in that Cottage, which hath but one
smoke; could easily have planted a ground-plot of about
40 foot square with Flax; or the 50 part of an Acre; for so
much ground will bear eight or ten Shillings worth of that
Commodity; and the Rent of so much ground, in few places
amounts to a penny per annum. Nor is there any skill
requisite to this practice, wherewith the Country is not
already familiar. Now as for a Market for the Flax ; there
is Imported into Holland it self, over and above what that
Country produces; as much Flax, as is there sold for be-
tween Eightscore and Two Hundred Thousand Pound; and
into England and Ireland is Imported as much Linnen Cloth
made of Flax, and there spent, as is worth above ½ a Million
of Money. As shall hereafter be shewn.
Wherefore having shewn, that Silver Money is useless to
the poor People of Ireland; that half the Hearth Money
could not be raised by reason thereof; that the People are
not a fifth part employed; that the People and Land of
Ireland, are competently qualified for Flax; That one Penny-
worth of Land, will produce Ten Shillings worth of the
same; and that there is Market enough and enough, for
above an Hundred Thousand Pounds worth; I conceive
my Proposition sufficiently proved; at least to set forwards
and promote a practice, which both the present Law and
Interest of the Country doth require: Especially, since if
all the Flax so produced should yield nothing, yet there is
nothing lost; the same time having been worse spent before.
Upon the same grounds, the like Tax of 2s. per Head, may
be raised with the like advantage upon the People of
England; which will amount to Six Hundred Thousand
Pound per annum; to be paid in Flax, Manufactured, into
all the sorts of Linnens, Threds, Tapes, and Laces; which we
now receive from France, Flanders, Holland, and Germany;
the value whereof doth far exceed the summ last mentioned,
as hath appeared by the examination of particulars.
It is observed by Clothiers, and others, who employ great
numbers of poor people, that when Corn is extremely plen-
tiful, that the Labour of the poor is proportionably dear:
And scarce to be had at all (so licentious are they who
labour only to eat, or rather to drink.) Wherefore when
so many Acres sown with Corn, as do usually produce a
sufficient store for the Nation, shall produce perhaps double
to what is expected or necessary; it seems not unreasonable
that this common blessing of God, should be applied, to the
common good of all people, represented by their Sovereign;
much rather than the' same should be abused, by the vile
and brutish part of mankind, to the prejudice of the Com-
mon-Wealth: And consequently, that such surplusage of
Corn, should be sent to publick Store-houses; from thence
to be disposed of, to the best advantage of the Publick.
Now if the Corn spent in England, at five shillings per
Bushel Wheat, and two shillings six pence Barley, be worth
ten Millions Communibus annis; it follows that in years of
great plenty, when the said Grains are one third part
cheaper; that a vast advantage might accrue to the Common-
Wealth, which now is spent in over-feeding of the People,
in quantity or quality; and so indisposing them to their
usual Labour.
The like may be said of Sugar, Tobacco, and Pepper;
which custom hath now made necessary to all sorts of
people; and which the over-planting of them, hath made
unreasonably cheap: I say it is not absurd, that the Publick
should be advantaged by this extraordinary plenty.
That an Excise should be laid upon Corrants also, is not
unreasonable; not only for this, but for other reasons also.
The way of the present Militia or Trained-Bands, is a
gentle Tax upon the Country; because it is only a few days
Labour in the year, of a few Men in respect of the whole;
using their own goods, that is their own Arms. Now if
there be three Millions of Males in England, there be above
two hundred thousand of them, who are between the age of
sixteen and thirty, unmarried persons; and who live by
their Labour and Service; for of so many or thereabouts,
the present Militia consists.
Now if an hundred and five thousand of these, were
Armed, and Trayned, as Foot; and fifty thousand as Horse;
(Horse being of special advantage in Islands) the said
Forces at Land, with thirty thousand Men at Sea; would
by Gods ordinary blessing. defend this Nation, being an
Island, against any Force in view: But the charge of
Arming, Disciplining, and Rendezvousing all these Men,
twice, or thrice a year: would be a very gentle Tax, Levyed
by the people themselves, and paid to themselves. Moreover
if out of the said number part were selected, of such as
are more than ordinarily fit and disposed for War, and to
be Exercised, and Rendezvoused fourteen or fifteen times
per annum; the charge thereof being but a fortnights Pay
in the year, would be also a very gentle Tax.
Lastly, If out of this last mentioned number, 1/3 again
should be selected, making about twelve thousand Foot,
and near six thousand Horse, to be Exercised, and Ren-
dezvoused forty days in the year; I say that the charge of
all these three Militias, allowing the latter six weeks Pay per
annum; would not cost above one hundred and twenty
thousand pound per annum; which I take to be an easie
burthen, for so great a benefit.
Forasmuch as the present Navy of England requires
thirty six thousand Men to Man it; and for that the English
Trade of Shipping, requires about forty eight thousand Men,
to manage it also; it follows, that to perform both well, there
ought to be about seventy two thousand Men, (and not eighty
four thousand) competently qualified for these Services:
For want whereof we see, that it is a long while, before a
Royal Navy can be manned; which till it be, is of no
effectual use, but lies at charge. And we see likewise upon
these occasions, that Merchants are put to great straights,
and inconveniences; and do pay excessive rates for the
carrying on their Trade. Now if twenty four thousand able
bodyed Tradesmen, were by six thousand of them per
annum, brought up and fitted for Sea-Service; and for
their incouragement allowed 20s. per annum for every year
they had been at Sea, even when they stay at home, not
exceeding 6 l. for those, who have served six years or upward;
it follows, that about 72000 l. at the medium of 3 1. per Man,
would Salariate the whole number of twenty four thousand
and so, forasmuch as half the Seamen, which mannage the
Merchants Trade, are supposed to be always in Harbour,
and are about twenty four thousand Men, together with the
said half of the Auxilliaries last mentioned, would upon all
emergencies, Man out the whole Royal Navy with thirty six
thousand, and leaving to the Merchants twelve thousand of
the abler Auxilliaries, to perform their business in Harbour,
till others come home from Sea; and thus thirty six thousand,
twenty four thousand, and twelve thousand, make the seventy
two thousand above mentioned: I say that more than this
sum of 72000 l. is fruitlesly spent, and over paid by the
Merchants, whensoever a great Fleet is to be fitted out.
Now these whom I call Auxilliary Seamen, are such as have
another Trade besides, wherewith to maintain themselves,
when they are not employed at Sea; and the charge of
maintaining them, though 72000 l. per annum, I take to be
little or nothing, for the reasons above mentioned, and
consequently an easie Tax to the people, because Leavyed
by, and paid to themselves.
As we propounded that Ireland should be Taxed with
Flax, and England by Linnen, and other Manufacture of
the same; I conceive that Scotland also might be Taxed as
much, to be paid in Herrings, as Ireland in Flax: Now the
three Taxes (viz.) of Flax, Linnen, and Herrings, and the
maintainance of the triple Militia, and of the Auxiliary
Seamen above-mentioned, do all five of them together,
amount to one Million of mony, the raising whereof is not
a Million spent, but gain unto the Common-Wealth, unless
it can be made appear, that by reason of all, or any of them,
the Exportation of Woollen Manufactures, Lead, and Tin, are
lessened; or of such Commodities, as our own East and West
India Trade do produce, forasmuch as I conceive, that the
Exportation of these last mentioned Commodities, is the
Touch-stone whereby the Wealth of England is tryed, and the
Pulse whereby the Health of the Kingdom may be discerned.
That France cannot by reason of natural, and perpetual
Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English,
or Hollanders now are, or may be.
POwer at Sea consists chiefly of Men, able to fight at Sea,
and that in such Shipping, as is most proper for the
Seas wherein they serve; and those are in these Northern
Seas, Ships from between three hundred to one thousand
three hundred Tuns; and of those such as draw much Water,
and have a deep Latch in the Sea, in order to keep a good
Wind, and not to fall to Leeward, a matter of vast advantage
in Sea Service: Wherefore it is to be examined, 1. Whether
the King of France, hath Ports in the Northern Seas (where
he hath most occasion for his Fleets of War, in any contests
with England) able to receive the Vessels above-mentioned,
in all Weathers, both in Winter and Summer Season. For
if the King of France, would bring to Sea an equal number
of fighting Men, with the English and Hollanders, in small
floaty Leeward Vessels, he would certainly be of the weaker
side. For a Vessel of one thousand Tuns manned with five
hundred Men, fighting with five Vessels of two hundred Tuns,
each manned with one hundred Men apiece, shall in common
reason have the better offensively, and defensively; forasmuch
as the great Ship can carry such Ordnance, as can reach the
small ones at a far greater distance, than those can reach, or
at least hurt the other; and can batter, and sink at a distance,
when small ones can scarce peirce.
Moreover it is more difficult for Men out of a small
Vessel, to enter a tall Ship, than for Men from a higher
place, to leap down into a lower; nor is small shot so
effectual upon a tall Ship, as vice versa.
And as for Vessels drawing much water, and consequently
keeping a good Wind, they can take or leave Leeward Vessels,
at pleasure, and secure themselves from being boarded by
them: Moreover the windward Ship, has a fairer mark at
a Leeward Ship, than vice versa; and can place her shot
upon such parts of the Leeward Vessel, as upon the next
Tack will be under water.
Now then the King of France, having no Ports able to
receive large windward Vessels, between Dunkirk and
Ushant, what other Ships he can bring into those Seas,
will not be considerable. As for the wide Ocean, which his
Harbours of Brest, and Charente, do look into; it affordeth
him no advantage upon an Enemy; there being so great a
Latitude of engaging or not, even when the Parties are in
sight of each other.
Wherefore, although the King of France were immensely
rich, and could build what Ships he pleased, both for number,
and quality; yet if he have not Ports to receive, and shelter,
that sort and size of Shipping, which is fit for his purpose;
the said Riches will in this case be fruitless, and a mere
expence without any return, or profit. Some will say that
other Nations cannot build so good Ships as the English;
I do indeed hope they cannot; but because it seems too
possible, that they may sooner or later, by Practice and
Experience; I shall not make use of that Argument, having
bound my self to shew, that the impediments of France, (as
to this purpose) are natural, and perpetual. Ships, and Guns
do not fight of themselves, but Men who act and manage
them; wherefore it is more material to shew; That the King
of France, neither hath, nor can have Men sufficient, to Man
a Fleet, of equal strength to that of the King of England. (viz.)
The King of Englands Navy, consists of about seventy
thousand Tuns of Shipping, which requires thirty six thousand
Men to Man it; these Men being supposed to be divided into
eight parts, I conceive that one eighth part, must be persons
of great Experience, and Reputation, in Sea Service: another
eighth part must be such as have used the Sea seven years
I and upwards; half of them, or parts more, must be such
as have used the Sea above a twelvemonth, viz, two, three,
four, five, or six years, allowing but one quarter of the whole
Complements, to be such as never were at Sea at all, or at
most but one Voyage, or upon one Expedition; so that at a
medium I reckon, that the whole Fleet must be Men of three
or four years growth, one with another. Fournier, a late
judicious Writer, makeing it his business to persuade the
World, how considerable the King of France was, or might
be at Sea, in the ninety second and ninety third pages of his
Hydrography, saith, That there was one place in Britany,
which had furnished the King with one thousand four
hundred Seamen, and that perhaps the whole Sea-Coast
of France, might have furnished him with fifteen times as
many: Now supposing his whole Allegation were true, yet
the said number amounts but to twenty one thousand; all
which, if the whole Trade of Shipping in France were quite
and clean abandoned, would not by above a third, Man out
a Fleet equivalent, to that of the King of England: And if
the Trade were but barely kept alive, there would not be one
third part Men enough, to Man the said Fleet.
But if the Shipping Trade of France, be not above a
quarter as great as that of England, and that one third part
of the same, namely the Fishing Trade to the Banks of
Newfoundland, is not peculiar, nor fixt to the French; then
I say that if the King of England (having power to Press
Men) cannot under two or three months time Man his Fleet;
then the King of France, with less than a quarter of the same
help, can never do it at all; for in France (as shall elsewhere
be shewn) there are not above one hundred and fifty thousand
Tun of Trading Vessels, and consequently not above fifteen
thousand Seamen, reckoning a Man to every ten Tun. As
it has been shewn that the King of France, cannot at present
Man such a Fleet, as is above described, we come next to
shew that he never can, being under natural, and perpetual
Impediments: viz. 1. If there be but fifteen thousand Sea-
men in all France, to manage its Trade, it is not to be
supposed, that the said Trade should be extinguished, nor
that it should spare above five of the said fifteen thousand
towards manning the Fleet which requires thirty five thousand.
Now the deficient thirty thousand must be supplied, one
of these four ways, either, first by taking in Landmen, of
which sort there must not be above ten thousand, since the
Seamen will never be contented, without being the major
part, nor do they heartily wish well to Landmen at all, or
rejoyce even at those Successes, of which the Landmen can
claim any share; thinking it hard that themselves, who are
bred to miserable, painful, and dangerous Employments,
(and yet profitable to the Commonwealth) should at a time
when booty and purchase is to be gotten, be clogged or
hindered, by any conjunction with Landmen, or forced to
admit those, to an equal share with themselves. 2. The
Seamen which we suppose twenty thousand, must be had,
that is hired from other Nations, which cannot be without
tempting them with so much Wages, as exceeds what is
given by Merchants, and withal to counterpoise the danger
of being hanged by their own Prince, and allowed no Quarter
if they are taken; the trouble of conveying themselves away,
when Restraints and Prohibitions are upon them; and also
the infamy of having been Apostates, to their own Country,
and Cause: I say their Wages must be more than double, to
what their own Prince gives them, and their assurance must
be very great, that they shall not be at long run abused
or slighted by those who employed them; (as hating the
Traitor, although they love the Treason.) I say moreover,
that those who will be thus tempted away, must be of the
basest, and lewdest sort of Seamen, and such as have not
enough of Honour and Conscience, to qualifie them for any
Trust, or gallant Performance. 3. Another way to increase
Seamen, is to put great numbers of Landmen upon Ships of
War, in order to their being Seamen; but this course cannot
be effectual, not only for the above mentioned Antipathy,
between Landmen, and Seamen; but also, because it is
seen, that Men at Sea do not apply themselves to Labour
and Practice, without more necessity than happens in over-
manned Shipping. For where there are fifty Men in a
Vessel, that ten can sufficiently Navigate, the supernumerary
forty will improve little: But where there shall be of ten but
one or two supernumeraries, there necessity will often call
upon every Man to set his hand to the Work, which must
be well done at the peril of their own lives. Moreover
Seamen shifting Vessels almost every six or twelve months,
do sometimes Sail in small Barks, sometimes in midling
Ships, and sometimes in great Vessels of Defence; sometimes
in Lighters, sometimes in Hoighs, sometimes in Ketches,
sometimes in three Masted Ships, sometimes they go to the
Southward, sometimes to the Northward, sometimes the
Coast, sometimes they cross the Ocean; by all which variety
of Service, they do in time compleat themselves, in every
Part, and Circumstance of their Faculty: Whereas those
who go out for a Summer, in a Man of War, have not that
variety of Practice, nor a direct necessity of doing any thing
at all.
Besides it is three or four years at a medium, wherein a
Seaman must be made; neither can there be less than three
Seamen, to make a fourth, of a Landman: Consequently the
fifteen thousand Seamen of France, can increase but five
thousand Seamen in three or four years, and unless their
Trade should increase with their Seamen in proportion, the
King must be forced to bear the charge of this improvement,
out of the Publick Stock, which is intolerable. So as the
Question which now remains, is, whether the Shipping Trade
of France is like to increase? Upon which accompt it is to
be considered, 1. That France is sufficiently stored, with all
kind of Necessaries within it self; as with Corn, Cattle, Wine,
Salt, Linnen Cloth, Paper, Silk, Fruits, &c. So as they need
little Shipping, to Import more Commodities of Weight, or
Bulk; neither is there any thing of Bulk Exported out of
France, but Wines, and Salt; the weight where of is under
one hundred thousand Tun per annum, yielding not employ-
ment to above twenty five thousand Tun of Shipping, and
these are for the most part Dutch and English, who are not
only already in Possession of the said Trade, but also are
better fitted to maintain it, than the French are, or perhaps ever
can be: And that for the following Reasons. (viz.) 1. Because
the French cannot Victual so cheap as the English, and Dutch,
nor Sail with so few Hands. 2. The French, for want of good
Coasts and Harbours, cannot keep their Ships in Port, under
double the Charge that the English and Hollanders can.
3. by reason of Paucity, and distance of their Ports, one
from another, their Seamen and Tradesmen relating to
Shipping, cannot Correspond with, and Assist one another,
so easily, cheaply, and advantageously, as in other places.
Wherefore if their Shipping Trade, is not likely to increase
within themselves, and much less to increase, by their beating
out the English, and Hollanders, from being the Carriers of
the World; it follows, that their Seamen will not be increased,
by the increase of their said Trade: Wherefore, and for that
they are not like to be increased, by any of the several ways
above specified, and for that their Ports are not fit to receive
Ships of Burthen, and Quality, fit for their purpose; and
that by reason of the less fitness of their Ports, than that of
their Neighbours; I conceive, that what was propounded,
hath been competently proved.
The afore-named Fournier, in the ninety second and
ninety third pages of his Hydrography, hath laboured to
prove the contrary of all this, unto which I refer the Reader:
Not thinking his Arguments of any weight at all, in the
present case. Nor indeed doth he make his Comparisons,
with the English or Hollanders, but with the Spaniards, who,
nor the Grand Seignior, (the latter of whom hath greater
advantages, to be powerful at Sea than the King of France)
could ever attain to any illustrious greatness in Naval Power:
Having often attempted, but never succeeded in the same.
Nor is it easie to believe, that the King of England should
for so many years, have continued his Title to the Sovereignty
of the Narrow Seas, against his Neighbours (ambitious enough
to have gotten it from him) had not their Impediments been
Natural, and Perpetual, and such, as we say, do obstruct the
King of France.
That the People and Territories of the King of England, are
naturally near as considerable for Wealth and Strength,
as those of France.
THE Author of the State of England, among the many
useful truths, and observations he hath set down; delivers
the Proportion, between the Territories of England and France,
to be as Thirty to Eighty two; the which if it be true, then
England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands unto them
belonging, will, taken all together, be near as big as France,
Tho I ought to take all advantages for proving the Paradox
in hand; yet I had rather grant that England, Scotland, and
Ireland, with the Islands before mentioned; together with the
Planted parts of Newfoundland, New-England, New-Nether-
land, Virginia, Mary-Land, Carolina, Jamaica, Burmoudas,
Barbadoes, and all the rest of the Carribby Islands, with
what the King hath in Asia and Africa, do not contain so
much Territory as France, and what Planted Land the King
of France hath also in America. And if any Man will be
Heterodox in behalf of the French Interest; I would be
contented against my knowledge and judgment, to allow
the King of France's Territories, to be a seventh, sixth, or
even a fifth greater, than those of the King of England;
believing that both Princes have more Land, than they do
employ to its utmost use.
And here I beg leave, (among the several matters which
I intend for serious,) to interpose a jocular, and perhaps
ridiculous digression, and which I indeed desire Men to look
upon, rather as a Dream or Resvery, than a rational Propo-
sition; the which is, that if all the moveables and People of
Ireland, and of the Highlands of Scotland, were transported
into the rest of Great Brittain; that then the King and his
Subjects, would thereby become more Rich and Strong, both
offensively and defensively, than now they are.
`Tis true, I have heard many Wise Men say, when they
were bewailing the vast losses of the English, in preventing
and suppressing Rebellions in Ireland, and considering how
little profit hath returned, either to the King or Subjects of
England, for their Five Hundred Years doing and suffering
in that Country; I say, I have heard Wise Men (in such their
Melancholies) wish, that (the People of Ireland being saved)
Island were sunk under Water: Now it troubles me, that
the Distemper of my own mind in this point, carries me to
dream, that the benefit of those wishes, may practically be
obtained, without sinking that vast Mountainous Island under
Water, which I take to be somewhat difficult; For although
Dutch Engineers may drain its Bogs; yet I know no Artists
that could sink its Mountains. If Ingenious and Learned
Men (among whom I reckon Sir Tho. More, and Des Cartes)
have disputed, That we who think our selves awake, are or
may be really in a Dream; and since the greatest absurdities
of Dreams, are but a Preposterous and Tumultuary contexture
of realities; I will crave the umbrage of these great Men
last named, to say something for this wild conception, with
submission to the better judgment of all those that can prove
themselves awake.
If there were but one Man living in England, then the
benefit of the whole Territory, could be but the livelyhood of
that one Man: But if another Man were added, the rent or
benefit of the same would be double, if two, triple; and so
forward until so many Men were Planted in it, as the whole
Territory could afford Food unto: For if a Man would know,
what any Land is worth, the true and natural Question must
be, How many Men will it feed? How many Men are there
to be fed? But to speak more practically, Land of the same
quantity and quality in England, is generally worth four or
five times as much as in Ireland; and but one quarter, or
third of what it is worth in Holland; because England is four
or five times better Peopled than Ireland, and but a quarter
so well as Holland. And moreover, where the Rent of Land
is advanced by reason of Multitude of People; there the
number of Years purchase, for which the Inheritance may
be sold, is also advanced, though perhaps not in the very
same Proportion; for 20s. per annum in Ireland, may be
worth but 8 1. and in England where Titles are very sure,
above 201. in Holland above 30 l.
I suppose, that in Ireland and the High-Lands in Scotland,
there may be about one Million and Eight hundred thousand
People, or about a fifth part of what is in all the three King-
doms: Wherefore the first Question will be, whether England,
Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, cannot afford Food,
(that is to say) Corn, Fish, Flesh, and Fowl, to a fifth part
more People, than are at the present planted upon it, with
the same Labour that the said fifth part do now take where
they are? For if so, then what is propounded is naturally
possible. 2. It is to be enquired, What the value of the
immovables (which upon such removal must be left behind)
are worth? For if they be worth less, than the advancement
of the Price of Land in England will amount unto; then the
Proposal is to be considered. 3. If the Relict Lands, and
the immovables left behind upon them, may be sold for
Money; or if no other Nation shall dare meddle with them,
without paying well for them; and if the Nation who shall
be admitted, shall be less able to prejudice and annoy the
Transplantees into England then before; then I conceive
that the whole proposal will be a pleasant and a profitable
Dream indeed.
As to the first point, whether England and the Low-Lands
of Scotland, can maintain a fifth part more People than they
now do (that is to say) Nine Millions of Souls in all? For
answer thereunto, I first say, that the said Territories of
England, and the Low-Land of Scotland, contain about Thirty
Six Millions of Acres, that is four Acres for every Head,
Man, Woman, and Child; but the United Provinces do not
allow above one Acre and ½ and England it self rescinding
Wales, hath but Three Acres to every Head, according to
the present State of Tillage and Husbandry. Now if we
consider that England having but three Acres to a Head as
aforesaid, doth so abound in Victuals, as that it maketh Laws
against the Importation of Cattle, Flesh, and Fish from
abroad; and that the draining of Fens, improving of Forests,
inclosing of Commons, Sowing of St. Foyne and Clovergrass, be
grumbled against by Landlords, as the way to depress the
price of Victuals; then it plainly follows, that less than three
Acres improved as it may be, will serve the turn, and conse-
quently that four will suffice abundantly. I could here set
down the very number of Acres, that would bear Bread and
Drink, Corn, together with Flesh, Butter, and Cheese, sufficient
to victual Nine Millions of Persons, as they are Victualled in
Ships, and regular Families; but shall only say in general;
that Twelve Millions of Acres viz. of 36 Millions, will do
it, supposing that Roots, Fruits, Fowl, and Fish, and the
ordinary profit of Lead, Tin, Iron-Mines, and Woods, would
piece up any defect, that may be feared.
As to the second, I say, that the Land and Housing in
Ireland, and the High-Lands of Scotland, at the present
Market rates, are not worth Thirteen Millions of Money;
nor would the actual charge of making the Transplantation
proposed, amount to four Millions more: So then the
Question will be, whether the benefit expected from this
Transplantation, will exceed Seventeen Millions?
To which I say, that the advantage will probably be near
four times the last mentioned summ, or about Sixty nine
Millions, Three Hundred thousand Pounds. For if the Rent
of all England and Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland,
be about Nine Millions per annum; and if the fifth part of
the People be superadded, unto the present Inhabitants of
those Countries; then the Rent will amount unto Ten
Millions 8000 l. and the number of Years purchase, will
rise from seventeen and ½, to a Fifth part more, which is
twenty one. So as the Land which is now worth but Nine
Millions per annum, at seventeen ½ Years purchase, making
157 Millions and ½, will then be worth Ten Millions Eight
Hundred thousand Pounds, at Twenty one Years purchase;
viz. Two Hundred Twenty Six Millions, and Eight Hundred
thousand Pounds, that is, Sixty nine Millions, and Three
Hundred thousand Pounds more than it was before.
And if any Prince willing to inlarge his Territories, will
give any thing more than Six ½ Millions or half the present
value for the said relinquished Land, which are estimated to
be worth Thirteen Millions; then the whole profit, will be
above Seventy Five' Millions, and Eight Hundred 600 l.
Above four' times the loss, as the same was above computed.
But if any Man shall object, that it will be dangerous unto
England, that Ireland should be in the Hands of any other
Nation; I answer in short, that that Nation, whoever shall
purchase it (being divided by means of the said purchase,)
shall not be more able to annoy England, than now in its
united condition. Nor is Ireland nearer England, than
France and Flanders.
Now if any Man shall desire a more clear explanation,
how, and by what means, the Rents of Lands shall rise by
this closer cohabitation of People above described? I answer,
that the advantage will arise in transplanting about Eighteen
Hundred thousand People, from the poor and miserable
Trade of Husbandry, to more beneficial Handicrafts: For
when the superaddition is made, a very little addition of
Husbandry to the same Lands will produce a fifth part more
of Food, and consequently the additional hands, earning 40s.
per annum (as they may very well do, nay to 8 l. per annum)
at some other Trade; the Superlucration will be above Three
Millions and Six Hundred thousand Pounds per annum,
which at Twenty Years purchase is Seventy Millions. More-
over, as the inhabitants of Cities and Towns, spend more
Commodities, and make greater consumptions, than those
who live in wild thin peopled Countries; So when England
shall be thicker peopled, in the manner before described, the
very same People shall then spend more, than when they
lived more sordidly and inurbanely, and further asunder, and
more out of the sight, observation, and emulation of each
other; every Man desiring to put on better Apparel when
he appears in Company, than when he has no occasion to
be seen.
I further add, that the charge of the Government, Civil,
Military, and Ecclesiastical, would be more cheap, safe, and
effectual in this condition of closer co-habitation than other-
wise; as not only reason, but the example of the United
Provinces doth demonstrate.
But to let this whole digression pass for a mere Dream,
I suppose `twill serve to prove, that in case the King of
Englands Territories, should be a little less than those of
the King of France, that forasmuch as neither of them are
over-peopled, that the difference is not material to the
Question in hand; wherefore supposing the King of Frances
advantages, to be little or nothing in this point of Territory;
we come next to examine and compare, the number of
Subjects which each of these Monarchs doth govern.
The Book called the State of France, maketh that King-
dom to consist of Twenty Seven thousand Parishes; and
another Book written by a substantial Author, who professedly
inquires into the State of the Church and Churchmen of
France, sets it down as an extraordinary case, that a Parish
in France should have Six Hundred Souls; wherefore I
suppose that the paid Author (who hath so well examined
the matter) is not of opinion that every Parish, one with
another, hath above Five Hundred; by which reckoning the
whole People of France, are about Thirteen Millions and a
half; Now the People of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with
the lslands adjoyning, by computation from the numbers of
Parishes; which commonly have more People in Protestant
Churches, than in Popish Countries; as also from the Hearth-
money, Pole-money, and Excise, do amount to about Nine
Millions and 1/2.
There are in New-England, about 16000 Men mustered
in Arms; about 24000 able to bear Arms; and consequently
about 50000 in all: And I see no reason why in all this
and the other Plantations of Asia, Africa, and America, there
should not be half a Million in all. But this last I leave to
every Mans conjecture; and consequently, I suppose, that the
King of England hath about Ten Millions of Subjects, ubivis
Terrarum Orbis; and the King of France about Thirteen and
a ½ as aforesaid.
Although it be very material to know the number of
Subjects belonging to each Prince, yet when the Question
is concerning their Wealth and Strength; It is also material
to examin, how many of them do get more than they spend,
and how many less.
In order whereunto it is to be considered, that in the King
of Englands Dominions, there are not twenty Thousand
Church-men; But in France, as the aforementioned Author
of theirs doth aver, (who sets down the particular number of
each Religious Order) there are about Two Hundred and
Seventy thousand, viz. Two Hundred and Fifty thousand
more than we think are necessary, (that is to say) Two
Hundred and Fifty Thousand withdrawn out of the World.
Now the said number of adult and able bodied Persons, are
equivalent to about double the same number, of the promis-
cuous Mass of Mankind. And the same Author says, that
the same Religious Persons, do spend one with another about
18 d. per diem, which is triple even to what a labouring Man
requires.
Wherefore the said Two Hundred and Fifty thousand
Church-men (living as they do) makes the King of France's
Thirteen Millions and a half, to be less than Thirteen: `Now
if Ten Men can defend themselves as well in Islands, as
Thirteen can upon the Continent; then the said Ten being
not concerned to increase their Territory by the Invasion of
others, are as effectual as the Thirteen in point of Strength
also; wherefore that there are more Superlucrators in the
English, than the French Dominions, we say as followeth.
There be in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Kings
other Territories above Forty Thousand Seamen; in France
not above a quarter so many; but one Seaman earneth as
much as three common Husbandmen; wherefore this difference
in Seamen, addeth to the account of the King of England's
Subjects, is an advantage equivalent to Sixty Thousand
Husbandmen.
There are in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and all other
the King of England's Territories Six Hundred thousand
Tun of Shipping, worth about four Millions and a ½ of Money
and the annual charge of maintaining the Shipping of England,
by new Buildings and Reparations, is about 1/3 part of the
same summ; which is the Wages of one Hundred and Fifty
thousand Husbandmen, but is not the Wages of above part
of so many Artisans as are employed, upon Shipping of all
sorts; viz. Shiprights, Calkers, Joyners, Carvers, Painters
Block-makers, Rope-makers, Mast-makers, Smiths of several
sorts; Flag-makers, Compass-makers, Brewers, Bakers, and all
other sort of Victuallers; all sorts of Tradesmen relating to
Guns, and Gunners Stores. Wherefore there being four times
more of these Artisans in England, &c. than in France; they
further add to the account of the King of England's Subjects,
the equivalent of Eighty Thousand Husbandmen more.
The Sea-line of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the
adjacent Islands, is about Three thousand Eight hundred
Miles; according to which length, and the whole content of
Acres, the said Land would be an Oblong, or Parallelogram
Figure of Three thousand Eight hundred Miles long, and
about Twenty four Miles broad; and consequently, every
part of England, Scotland, and Ireland, is one with another,
but twelve Miles from the Sea: Whereas France containing,
but about one Thousand Miles of Sea line, is by the like
method or computation, about Sixty Five Miles from the
Sea side; and considering the paucity of Ports, in comparison
of what are in the King of England's Dominions, as good as
Seventy Miles distant from a Port: Upon which grounds it
is clear, that England can be supplied, with all gross and
bulkey commodities of Foreign growth and Manufacture, at
far cheaper rates than France can be, viz, at about 4s. per cent.
cheaper; the Land carriage for the difference of the distance
between England and France from a Port, being so much or
near thereabouts. Now to what advantage this conveniency
amounteth, upon the Importation and Exportation of Bulkey
Commodities, cannot be less than the Labour of one Million
of People, &c. meaning by bulkey Commodities all sorts of
Timber, Plank, and Staves for Cask; all Iron, Lead, Stones,
Bricks, and Tyles for building; all Corn, Salt, and Drinks;
all Flesh and Fish, and indeed all other Commodities, wherein
the gain and loss of 4s. per Cent, is considerable; where note
that the like Wines are sold in the inner parts of France for
four or Five Pound a Tun, which near the Ports yield 7 1.
Moreover upon this Principal, the decay of Timber in England
is no very formidable thing, as the Rebuilding of London, and
of the Ships wasted by the Dutch War do clearly manifest;
Nor can there be any want of Corn, or other necessary Pro-
visions in England, unless the Weather hath been universally
unseasonable for the growth of the same; which seldom or
never happens; for the same causes which make Dearth in
one place, do often cause plenty in another; wet Weather
being propitious to High-lands, which drowneth the Low.
It is observed that the poor of France, have generally less
Wages than in England; and yet their Victuals are generally
dearer there; which being so, there may be more superlucration
in England than in France.
Lastly, I offer it to the consideration of all those, who
have travelled through England and France; Whether the
Plebeians of England (for they constitute the Bulk of any
Nation) do not spend a sixth part more than the Plebeians
of France? And if so, it is necessary that they must first
get it; and consequently that Ten Millions of the King of
England's Subjects, are equivalent to Twelve of the King of
France; and upon the whole matter, to the Thirteen Millions,
at which the French Nation was estimated.
It will here be objected, that the splendor and magnifi-
cencies of the King of France, appearing greater than those
of England, that the Wealth of France must be proportionably
greater, than that of England; but that doth not follow, for-
asmuch as the apparent greatness of the King, doth depend.
upon the Quota pars of the Peoples Wealth which he levyeth
from them; for supposing of the People to be equally Rich,
if one of the Sovereigns levy a fifth part, and another a
fifteenth, the one seems actually thrice as Rich as the other,
whereas potentially, they are but equal.
Having thus discoursed of the Territory, People, Super-
lucration, and Defencibleness of both Dominions, and in some
measure of their Trade, so far as we had occasion to mention
Ships, Shipping, and nearness to Ports; we come next to
inlarge a little further, upon the Trade of each.
Some have estimated, that there are not above Three
hundred Millions of People in the whole World. Whether
that be so or no, is not very material to be known; but I
have fair grounds to conjecture, and would be glad to know
it more certainly, that there are not above Eighty Millions,
with whom the English and Dutch have Commerce; no
Europeans that I know of, Trading directly nor indirectly,
where they do not; so as the whole Commercial World, or
World of Trade, consisteth of about Eighty Millions of Souls,
as aforesaid.
And I further estimate, that the value of all Commodities
yearly exchanged amongst them, doth not exceed the value
of Forty Five Millions: Now the Wealth of every Nation,
consisting chiefly, in the share which they have in the Foreign
Trade with the whole Commercial World, rather than in the
Domestick Trade, of ordinary Meat, Drink, and Cloaths, &c.
which bringing in little Gold, Silver, Jewels, and other
Universal Wealth; we are to consider, Whether the Subjects
of the King of England,. Head for Head, have not a greater
share, than those of France.
To which purpose it hath been considered, that the
Manufactures of Wool, yearly exported out of England, into
several parts of the World, viz. All sorts of Cloth, Serges,
Stuffs, Cottons, Bays, Sayes, Prize, perpetuanus; as also
Stockings, Caps, Rugs, &c. Exported out of England Scot-
land, and Ircland do amount unto Five Millions per annum.
The value of Lead, Tynn, and Coals, to be Five hundred
thousand pounds.
The value of all Cloaths, Houshold-stuff &c. carried into
America, Two hundred thousand pounds.
The value of Silver, and Cold, taken from the Spaniards
Sixty thousand pounds.
The value of Sugar; Indico, Tobacco, Cotton, and Caccao,
hrought from the Southward parts of America Six hundred
thousand pounds.
The value of the Fish, Pipe-staves, Masts, Bever, &c.
brought from New-England and the Northern parts of
America, Two Hundred Thousand pounds.
The value of the Wool, Butter; Hides, Tallow, Beef
Herring, Pitchers, and Salmon, exported out of Ireland,
Eight hundred thousand pounds.
The value of the Coals, Salt, Linnen, Yarn, Herrings,
Pilehers, Salmon, Linnen-Cloth, and Yarn, brought out of
Scotland, and Ireland 5000001.
The value of Salt-peter, Pepper, Callicoes, Diamonds, Drugs,
and Silks, brought out of the East-Indies, above what was
spent in England; Eight hundred thousand pounds.
The value of the Slaves, brought out of Africa, to serve
in our A merican Plantations Twenty thousand pounds; which
with the Freight of English Shipping, Trading into Foreign
parts, being above a Million and a ½ makes in all Ten
Millions one Hundred and Eighty thousand pounds.
Which computation is sufficiently justified by the Customs
of the Three Kingdoms, whose intrinsick value are thought
to be near a Million per annum, viz. Six hundred thousand
pounds, payable to the King; 100 thousand Pounds, for the
charges of Collecting, &c. Two hundred thousand pounds
smuckled by the Merchants, and one Hundred thousand
pounds gained by the Farmers; according to common
Opinion, and Mens Sayings: And this agrees also with that
proportion, or part of the whole Trade of the World, which
I have estimated the Subjects of the King of England to be
possessed of; viz, of about Ten of Forty Five Millions.
But the value of the French Commodities, brought into
England, (notwithstanding some currant estimates,) are not
above one Million Two hundred thousand pounds per annum;
and the value of all they export into all the World besides,
not above Three or Four times as much; which computation
also agreeth well enough, with the account we have of the
Customs of France; so as France not exporting above the
value of what England doth; and for that all the Commodities
of France (except Wines, Brandy, Paper, and the first patterns
and fashions for Cloaths, and Furniture (of which France is
the Mint) are imitable by the English; and having withal
more People than England; it follows that the People of
England, &e. have Head for Head, thrice as much Foreign
Trade as the People of France; and about Two parts of
Nine of the Trade of the whole Commercial World; and
about Two parts in Seven of all the Shipping: Notwith-
standing all which it is not to be denied, that the King and
some great Men of France, appear more Rich and Splendid,
than those of the like Quality in England; all which arises
rather from the nature of their Government, than from the
Intrinsick and Natural causes of Wealth and Power.
That the Impediments of Englands greatness, are but contingent
and removable.
THE first Impediment of Englands greatness is, that the
Territories thereunto belonging, are too far asunder, and
divided by the Sea into many several Islands and Countries;
and I may say, into so many Kingdoms, and several Govern-
ments, (viz.) there be Three distinct Legislative Powers in
England, Scotland, and Ireland; the which instead of uniting
together, do often cross one anothers Interest; putting Bars
and Impediments upon one anothers Trades, not only as if
they were Foreigners to each other, but sometimes as Enemies.
2. The Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, and the Isle of
Man, are under Jurisdiaions different from those, either of
England, Scotland; or Ireland.
3. The Government of New-England (both Civil and
Ecclesiastical) doth so differ from that of his Majesties other
Dominions, that `tis hard to say what may be the consequence
of it.
And the Government of the other Plantations, doth also
differ very much from any of the rest; although there be not
naturally substantial reasons from the Situation, Trade, and
Condition of the People, why there should be such differences.
From all which it comes to pass, that small divided
remote Governments, being seldom able to defend themselves,
the Burthen of protecting of them all, must lye upon the chief
Kingdom England; and so all the smaller Kingdoms and
Dominions, instead of being Additions are really Diminutions;
but the same is remedied by making Two such Grand Councils,
as may equally represent the whole Empire, one to be chosen
by the King, the other by the People . The Wealth of a
King is Three-fold, one is the Wealth of his Subjects, the
second is the Quota pars of his Subjects Wealth, given him
for the publick Defence, Honour, and Ornament of the People,
and to manage such undertaking for the Common Good, as
no one or a few private Men, are sufficient for.
The third sort are the Quota, of the last mention Quota
pars, which the King may dispose of, as his own personal
inclination, and discretion shall direct him; without account.
Now it is most manifest, that the afore-mentioned distances,
and differencies, of Kingdoms, and Jurisdictions, are great
impediments to all the said several sorts of Wealth, as may
be seen in the following particulars. First in case of War
with Foreign Nations, England commonly beareth the whole
burthen, and charge, whereby many in England are utterly
undone.
Secondly, England sometimes Prohibiting the Commo-
dities of Ireland, and Scotland, as of late it did the Cattle,
Flesh, and Fish, of Ireland; did not only make Food, and
consequently Labour, dearer in England, but also hath forced
the People of Ireland, to fetch those Commodities from France,
Holland, and other places, which before was sold them from
England, to the great prejudice of both Nations.
Thirdly, It occasions an unnecessary trouble, and charge,
in Collecting of Customs, upon Commodities passing between
the several Nations.
Fourthly, It is a damage to our Barbadoes, and other
American Trades, that the Goods which might pass thence
immediately, to several parts of the World, and to be sold
at moderate Rates, must first come into England, and there
pay Duties, and afterwards (if at all) pass into those Countries,
whither they might have gone immediatly.
Fifthly, The Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, are protected
at the charge of England, nevertheless the Labour, and
Industry, of that People (which is very great) redounds
most to the profit of the French.
Sixthly, In New-England, there are vast numbers of able
bodyed Englishmen, employed chiefly in Husbandry, and in
the meanest part of it, (which is breeding of Cattle) whereas
Ireland would have contained all those persons, and at worst
would have afforded them Lands on better terms, than they
have them in America, if not some other better Trade withal,
than now they can have.
Seventhly, The Inhabitants of the other Plantations,
although they do indeed Plant Commodities, which will not
grow so well in England; yet grasping at more Land, than
will suffice to produce the said Exotics in a sufficient quantity
to serve the whole World, they do therein but distract, and
confound, the effect of their own Indeavours.
Eighthly, There is no doubt that the same People, far and
wide dispersed, must spend more upon their Government, and
Protection, than the same living compactly, and when they
have no occasion to depend upon the Wind, Weather, and
all the Accidents of the Sea.
A second Impediment to the greatness of England, is the
different Understanding of several Material Points, viz. Of
the Kings Prerogative, Privileges of Parliament, the obscure
differences between Law and Equity; as also between Civil
and Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions; Doubts whether the King-
dom of England hath power over the Kingdom of Ireland,
besides the wonderful Paradox; that Englishmen, Lawfully
sent to suppress Rebellions in Ireland, should after having
effected the same, (be as it were) Disfranchised, and lose that
Interest in the Legislative Power, which they had in England,
and pay Customs as Foreigners for all they spend in Ire-
land, whither they were sent, for the Honour and Benefit of
England.
The third Impediment is, That Ireland being a Conquered
Country, and containing not the tenth part as many Irish
Natives, as there are English in both Kingdoms, That natural
and firm Union is not made, between the two Peoples, by
Transplantations, and proportionable mixture, so as there
may be but a tenth part, of the Irish in Ireland, and the
same proportion in England; whereby the necessity of
maintaining an Army in Ireland, at the expence of a quarter
of all the Rents of that Kingdom may be taken away.
The fourth Impediment is, That Taxes in England are
not Levied upon the expence, but upon the whole Estate;
not upon Lands, Stock, and Labour, but chiefly upon Land
alone; and that not by any equal, and indifferent Standard,
but the casual predominancy, of Parties, and Factions: and
moreover that these Taxes are not Levied with the least
trouble, and charge, but let out to Farmers, who also let
them from one to another without explicit knowledge of
what they do; but so as in conclusion, the poor People pay
twice as much as the King receives.
The fifth Impediment is the inequality of Shires, Diocesses,
Parishes, Church-Livings, and other Precincts, as also the
Representation of the People in Parliament; all which do
hinder the Operations of Authority in the same manner, as
a Wheel irregularly made, and excentrically hung; neither
moves so easily, nor performs its Work so truely, as if the
same were duely framed and poised.
Sixthly, Whether it be an Impediment, that the power of
making War, and raising Mony be not in the same Hand,
much may be said; but I leave it to those, who may more
properly meddle with Fundamental Laws.
None of these Impediments are Natural, but did arise as
the irregularity of Buildings do, by being built, part at one
time, and part at another; and by the changing of the state
of things, from what they were at the respective times, when
the Practices we complain of, were first admitted, and perhaps,
are but the warpings of time, from the rectitude of the first
Institution.
As these Impediments are contingent, so they are also
removeable; for may not the Land of superfluous Territories
be sold, and the People with their moveables brought away?
May not the English in the America Plantations (who Plant
Tobacco, Sugar, &c.) compute what Land will serve their turn,
and then contract their Habitations to that proportion, both
for quantity and quality? as for the People of New-England,
I can but wish they were Transplanted into Old England, or
Ireland (according to Proposals of their own, made within
this twenty years) although they were allowed more liberty
of Conscience, than they allow one another.
May not the three Kingdoms be United into one, and
equally represented in Parliament? Might not the several
Species of the Kings Subjects, be equally mixt in their
Habitations; Might not the Parishes, and other Precincts be
better equalized. Might not Jurisdictions, and pretences of
Power, be determined and ascertained? Might not the Taxes
be equally applotted, and directly applied to their ultimate
use? Might not Dissenters in Religion be indulged, they
paying a competent Force to keep the Publick Peace? I
humbly venture to say, all these things may be done, if
it be so thought fit by the Sovereign Power, because the like
hath often been done already, at several Places and Times.
That the Power and Wealth of England hath increased this last forty years.
IT is not much to be doubted, but that the Territories
under the Kings Dominions have increased; Forasmuch
as New-England, Virginia, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, Tangier,
and Bumbay, have since that time, been either added to His
Majesties Territories, or improved from a Desart condition, to
abound with People, Buildings, Shipping, and the Production
of many useful Commodities. And as for the Land of
England, Scotland, and Ireland, as it is not less in quantity,
than it was forty years since; so it is manifest that by reason
of the Dreyning of Fens, watering of dry Grounds, improving
of Forrests, and Commons, making of He at hy and Barren
Grounds, to bear Saint-foyne, and Clover grass; meliorating,
and multiplying several sorts of Fruits, and Garden-Stuffe,
making some Rivers Navigable, &c. I say it is manifest,
that the Land in its present Condition, is able to bear more
Provision, and Commodities, than it was forty years ago.
Secondly, Although the People in England, Scotland, and
Ireland, which have extraordinarily perished by the Plague,
and Sword, within this last forty years, do amount to about
three hundred thousand, above what have dyed in the ordinary
way; yet the ordinary increase by Generation of ten Millions,
which doubles in two hundred years, as hath been shewn by
the Observators upon the Bills of Mortality, may in forty
years (which is a fifth part of the same time) have increased'
part of the whole number, or two Millions. Where note
by the way, that the accession of Negroes to the American
Plantations (being all Men of great Labour and little Ex-
pence) is not inconsiderable; besides it is hoped that New-
England, where few or no Women are Barren, and most have
many Children, and where People live long, and healthfully,
hath produced an increase of as many People, as were
destroyed in the late Tumults in Ireland.
As for Housing, the Streets of London it self speaks it, I
conceive it is double in value in that City, to what it was
forty years since; and for Housing in the Country, they have
increased, at Newcastle, Yarmouth, Norwich, Exeter, Ports-
mouth, Cowes, Dublin, Kingsaile, Londonderry, and Coleraine
in Ireland, far beyond the proportion of what I can learn
have been dilapidated in other places. For in Ireland where
the ruin was greatest, the Housing (taking all together) is
now more valuable than forty years ago, nor is this to be
doubted, since Housing is now more splendid, than in those
days, and the number of Dwellers is increased, by near part;
as in the last Paragraph is set forth.
As for Shipping, his Majesties Navy is now triple, or
quadruple, to what it was forty years since, and before the
Sovereign was Built; the Shipping Trading to Newcastle,
which are now about eighty thousand Tuns, could not be
then above a quarter of that quantity. First, Because the
City of London, is doubled. 2. Because the use of Coals is
also at least doubled, because they were heretofore seldom
used in Chambers, as now they are, nor were there so many
Bricks burned with them as of late, nor did the Country on
both sides the Thames, make use of them as now. Besides
there are employed in the Guinny and American Trade, above
forty thousand Tun of Shipping per annum; which Trade in
those days was inconsiderable. The quantity in Wines
Imported was not near so much as now; and to be short,
the Customs upon Imported, and Exported Commodities,
did not then yield a third part of the present value: which
shews that not only Shipping, but Trade it self hath increased,
somewhat near that proportion.
As to Mony, the Interest thereof was within this fifty
years, at 10 l. per Cent. forty years ago, at 81. and now at
6 l. no thanks to any Laws which have been made to that
purpose, forasmuch as those who can give good security, may
now have it at less: But the natural fall of Interest, is the
effect of the increase of Mony.
Moreover if rented Lands, and Houses, have increased;
and if Trade hath increased also, it is certain that mony
which payeth those Rents, and driveth on Trade, must have
increased also.
Lastly, I leave it to the consideration of all Observers,
whether the number, and splendor of Coaches, Equipage, and
Houshold Furniture, hath not increased, since that time; to
say nothing of the Postage of Letters, which have increased
from one to twenty, which argues the increase of Business,
and Negotiation. I might add that his Majesties Revenue
is near tripled, and therefore the means to pay, and bear the
same, have increased also.
That one tenth part of the whole Expence, of the King of
England's Subjects, is sufficient to maintain ten thousand
Foot, forty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at
Sea; and defray all other Charges of the Government
both Ordinary and Extraordinary, if the same were
regularly Taxed, and Raised.
To clear this Point, we are to find out, what is the middle
expence of each Head in the Kings Dominions, between
the highest and the lowest; to which I say it is not probably
less than the expence of a Labourer, who earneth about 8 d.
a day; for the Wages of such a Man is 4s. per week without
Victuals, or 2s. with it; wherefore the value of his Victuals
is 2s. per week, or 51. 4s. per annum: Now the value of
Clothes cannot be less than the Wages given to the poorest
Maid-Servant' in the Country, which is 30s. per annum, nor
can the charge of all other Necessaries, be less than 6s. per
annum more; wherefore the whole charge is 7 l.
It is not likely that this Discourse will fall into the hands
of any that live at 7 l. per annum, and therefore such will
wonder at this supposition: But if they consider how much
the number of the Poor, and their Children, is greater than
that of the Rich; although the personal expence of some
Rich Men, should be twenty times more than that of a
Labourer; yet the expence of the Labourer above mentioned,
may well enough stand for the Standard of the Expence, of
the whole mass of Mankind.
Now if the expence of each Man, one with another, be
7 l. per annum, and if the number of the Kings Subjects, be
ten Millions, then the tenth part of the whole expence, will
be seven Millions: but about five Millions, or a very little
more, will amount to one years pay for one hundred thousand
Foot, forty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea,
Winter and Summer; which can rarely be necessary. And
the ordinary charge of the Government, in times of deep and
serene Peace, was not 600000 1. per annum.
Where a People thrive, there the income is greater than
the expence, and consequently the tenth part of the expence
is not a tenth part of the income; now for Men to pay a tenth
of their expence, in a time of the greatest exegency (for such
it must be when so great Forces are requisite) can be no
hardship, much less a deplorable condition, for to bear the
tenth part, a Man needs spend but a twentieth part less,
and labour a twentieth part more, or half an hour per diem
extraordinary, both which within Common Experience are
very tolerable; there being very few in England, who do not
eat by a twentieth part more than does them good; and what
misery were it, in stead of wearing Cloth of 20s. per Yard, to
be contented with that of 19s. few Men having skill enough
to discern the difference.
Memorandum, That all this while I suppose, that all of
these ten Millions of People, are obedient to their Sovereign,
and within the reach of his power; for as things are other-
wise, so the Calculation must be varied.
That there are spare Hands enough among the King of
England's Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum
more than they now do; and that there are also Employ-
ments, ready, proper, and sufficient, for that purpose.
TO prove this Point we must enquire, how much all the
People could earn, if they were disposed, or necessitated
to labour, and had Work whereupon to employ themselves;
and compare that summ, with that of the Total expence
above mentioned; deducting the Rents, and Profits of their
Land, and Stock, which properly speaking, saveth so much
Labour. Now the proceed of the said Lands, and Stock in
the Countries, is about three parts of seven, of the whole
expence; so as where the expence is seventy Millions, the
Rent of the Land, and the Profit of all the Personal Estate,
Interest of mony, &c. must be about thirty Millions; and
consequently, the value of the Labour forty Millions, that
is 4 l. per Head.
But it is to be noted, That about a quarter of the Mass
of Mankind, are children, Males, and Females, under seven
years old, from whom little Labour is to be expected. It is
also to be noted, That about another tenth part of the whole
People, are such as by reason of their great Estates, Titles,
Dignities, Offices, and Professions, are exempt from that kind
of Labour we now speak of; their business being, or ought to
be, to Govern, Regulate, and Direct, the Labours. and Actions
of others. So that of ten Millions, there may be about six
Millions and an half, which (if need require) might actually
Labour: And of these some might earn 3s. per week, some
5 s. and some 7s. That is all of them might earn 5s. per
week at a Medium one with another; or at least 10 l. per
annum, (allowing for sickness, and other accidents;) whereby
the whole might earn sixty five Millions per annum, that is
twenty five more than the expence.
The Author of the State of England, says that the Children
of Norwich, between six and sixteen years old, do earn 1200 l.
per annum, more than they spend. Now forasmuch as the
People of Norwich, are a three hundredth part of all the
People of England, as appears by the Accompts of the
Hearth mony; and about a five hundredth part, of all the
Kings Subjects throughout the World; it follows that all
his Majesties Subjects, between six and sixteen years old,
might earn five Millions per annum more than they spend.
Again, forasmuch as the number of People, above sixteen
years old, are double the number, of those between six and
sixteen; and that each of the Men can earn double to each
of the Children; it is plain that if the Men and Children every
where did do as they do in Norwich, they might earn twenty
five Millions per ann. more than they spend: which estimate
grounded upon matter of Fact and Experience, agrees with
the former.
Although as hath been proved, the People of England do
thrive, and that it is possible they might Superlucrate twenty
five Millions per annum; yet it is manifest that they do not,
nor twenty three, which is less by the two Millions herein
meant; for if they did Superlucrate twenty three Millions,
then in about five or six years time, the whole Stock, and
Personal Estate of the Nation would be doubled, which I
wish were true, but find no manner of reason to believe:
wherefore if they can Superlucrate twenty five, but do not
actually Superlucrate twenty three, nor twenty, nor ten, nor
perhaps five, I have then proved what was propounded, viz.
That there are spare Hands among the Kings Subjects, to
earn two Millions more than they do.
But to speak a little more particularly concerning this
matter: It is to be noted that since the Fire of London,
there was earned in four years by Tradesmen, (relating to
Building only) the summ of four Millions; viz, one Million
per annum, without lessening any other sort of Work, Labour,
or Manufacture, which was usually done in any other four
years before the said occasion: But if the Tradesmen relating
to Building only, and such of them only as wrought in and
about London, could do one Million worth of Work extra-
ordinary; I think that from thence, and from what hath been
said before, all the rest of the spare Hands, might very well
double the same, which is as much as was propounded.
Now if there were spare Hands to Superlucrate Millions of
Millions, they signifie nothing unless there were Employment
for them; and may as well follow their Pleasures, and Specu-
lations, as Labour to no purpose; therefore the more material
Point is, to prove that there is two Millions worth of Work to
be done, which at present the Kings Subjects do neglect.
For the proof of this there needs little more to be done,
than to compute 1. How much mony is paid, by the King
of England's Subjects, to Foreigners for Freights of Shipping.
2. How much the Hollanders gain by their Fishing Trade,
practised upon our Seas. 3. What the value is of all the
Commodities, Imported into, and spent in England; which
might by diligence be produced, and Manufactured here. To
make short of this matter, upon perusal of the most Authen-
tick Accompts, relating to these several particulars, I affirm
that the same amounteth to above five Millions, whereas I
propounded but two Millions.
For a further proof whereof Mr. Samuel Fortry in his
ingenious Discourse of Trade, exhibits the particulars, where-
in it appears, that the Goods Imported out of France only,
amount yearly to two Millions six hundred thousand pounds.
And I affirm, That the Wine, Paper, Corke, Rozen, Capers, and
a few other Commodities, which England cannot produce, do
not amount to one fifth part of the said summ. From whence
it follows, that (if Mr. Fortry hath not erred) the two Millions
here mentioned, may arise from France alone; and conse-
quently five or six Millions, from all the three Heads last
above specified.
That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the Nation.
SInce his Majesties happy Restauration, it was thought fit
to call in, and new Coin the mony, which was made in
the times of Usurpation. Now it was observed by the general
consent of Cashiers, that the said mony (being by frequent
Revolutions well mixed with old) was about a seventh part
thereof: and that the said mony being called in, was about
800000 l. and consequently the whole five Millions six hundred
thousand pound. Whereby it is probable that (some allow-
ance being given for hoarded mony) the whole Cash of
England was then about six Millions, which I conceive is
sufficient to drive the Trade of England, not doubting but
the rest of his Majesties Dominions have the like means to
do the same respectively.
If there be six Millions of Souls in England, and that each
spendeth 7 l. per annum, then the whole expence is forty two
Millions, or about eight hundred thousand pound per week;
and consequently, if every Man did pay his expence weekly,
and that the Money could circulate within the compass of a
Week, then less than one Million would answer the ends
proposed. But forasmuch as the Rents of the Lands in
England (which are paid half yearly) are eight Millions
per annum, there must be four Millions to pay them. And
forasmuch as the Rent of the Housing of England, paid
quarterly, are worth about four Millions per ann. there needs
but one Million to pay the said Rents; wherefore six Millions
being enough to make good the three sorts of Circulations
above mentioned, I conceive what was proposed, is compe-
tently proved, at least until something better be held forth
to the contrary.
That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock competent
and convenient, to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial
World.
NOW for the further incouragement of Trade, as we have
shewn that there is mony enough in England to manage
the Affairs thereof; so we shall now offer to consideration,
Whether there be not a competent, and convenient Stock to
drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World. To which
purpose it is to be remembred, That all the Commodities,
yearly Exported out of every part of the last mentioned
World, may be bought for forty five Millions; and that the
Shipping employed in the same World, are not worth above
fifteen Millions more, and consequently, that sixty Millions at
most, would drive the whole Trade above mentioned, without
any trust at all. But forasmuch as the growers of Commo-
dities, do commonly trust them to such Merchants or Factors,
as are worth but such a part of the full value of their
Commodities, as may possibly be lost upon the sale of them,
whereas gain is rather to be expected; it follows that less
than a Stock of sixty Millions, nay less than half of the
same summ, is sufficient to drive the Trade above-mentioned:
It being well known that any Tradesman of good Reputation
worth 500 l. will be trusted with above 1000 l. worth of Com-
modities: Wherefore less than thirty Millions, will suffice for
the said purpose; of which summ, the Coin, Shipping, and
Stock, already in Trade, do at least make one half.
And it hath been shewn, how by the Policy of a Bank,
any summ of mony may be made equivalent in Trade, unto
near double of the same; by all which it seems, that even at
present much is not wanting, to perform what is propounded.
But suppose twenty Millions or more were wanting, it is not
improbable, that since the generality of Gentlemen, and some
Noblemen, do put their younger Sons to Merchandize, they
will see it reasonable, as they increase in the number of
Merchants, so to increase the magnitude of Trade, and
consequently to increase Stock; which may effectually be
done, by inbanking twenty Millions worth of Land, not
being above a sixth or seventh of the whole Territory of
England; (that is to say) by making a Fond of such value,
to be security for all Commodities, bought and sold upon the
accompt of that Universal Trade here mentioned.
And thus it having appeared, that England having in it,
as much Land, like Holland and Zealand, as the said two
Provinces do themselves contain, with abundance of other
Land, not inconvenient for Trade; and that there are spare
Bands enough, to earn many Millions of mony, more than
they now do, and that there is also Employment to earn
several Millions, (even from the Consumption of England it
self) it follows from thence, and from what hath been said in
the last Paragraph, about inlarging of Stock, both of Mony,
and Land; that it is not impossible, nay a very feasible matter,
for the King of England's Subjects, to gain the Universal
Trade of the whole Commercial World.
Nor is it unseasonable to intimate this matter, forasmuch
as the younger Brothers, of the good Families of England,
cannot otherwise be provided for, so as to live according to
their Birth and Breeding: For if the Lands of England are
worth eight Millions per annum, then there be at a medium
about ten thousand Families, of about 800 l. per annum; in
each of which, one with another, we may suppose there is a
younger Brother, whom less than two or 300 l. per annum
will not maintain suitable to his Relations: Now I say that
neither the Offices at Court, nor Commands in our ordinary
Army and Navy, nor Church Preferments; nor the usual
Gains by the Profession of the Law, and Physick; nor the
Employments under Noblemen, and Prelates: will, all of
them put together, furnish livelyhoods of above 300 l. per
annum, to three thousand of the said ten thousand younger
Brothers: whereof it remains that Trade alone must supply
the rest. But if the said seven thousand Gentlemen, be
applyed to Trade, without increasing of Trade; or if we
hope to increase Trade, without increasing of Stock, which
for ought appears is only to be done, by imbanking a due
proportion of Lands, and Mony; we must necessarily be
disappointed. Where note, that selling of Lands to Foreigners
for Gold and Silver, would inlarge the Stock of the Kingdom:
Whereas doing the same between one another, doth effect
nothing. For he that turneth all his Land into Mony,
disposes himself for Trade; and he that parteth with his
Mony for Land, doth the contrary; But to sell Land to
Foreigners, increaseth both Mony and People, and conse-
quently Trade. Wherefore it is to be thought, that when
the Laws denying Strangers to Purchase, and not permitting
them to Trade, without paying extraordinary Duties, were
made; that then, the publick State of things, and Interest of
the Nation, were far different from what they now are.
Having handled these Ten Principal Conclusions, I might
go on with others, ad infinitum; But what hath been already
said, I look upon as sufficient, for to shew what I mean by
Political Arithmetick; and to shew the uses of knowing
the true State of the People, Land, Stock, Trade, &c. 2. That
the Kings Subjects are not in, so bad a condition, as dis-
contented Men would make them. 3. To shew the great
effect of Unity, industry, and obedience, in order to the
Common Safety, and each Man's particular Happiness.
FINIS.