A Discourse on Public Economy and Commerce
by Caesar Beccaria


A Discourse on Public Economy and Commerce
by the Marquis Caesar Beccaria Bonesaria

The Translator to the Reader.

Private oeconomy is the fruit of former prodigality. Nothing
begets in us so forcibly an attention to the management of our
finances, as those difficulties which profusion at length
inevitably produces. In like manner national profusion seems
first to have given rise to the serious study of public oeconomy.
Necessity is the mother of invention; and it is certain that the
science of finances has been carried to its present degree of
refinement and perfection, not by the theoretical disquisitions
of speculative men; but because ministers, from the gradual
augmentation of public expence in all the different countries of
Europe, have been forced to imagine every possible means of
supplying the urgent wants of the state. Hence it is easy to
perceive why it is of late years become so fashionable a study in
this country. I wish we understood it as well in practice as in
theory. But here too the parallel holds, between public and
private life, for nothing is more common than to find extravagant
and expensive men declaiming on the nature and advantages of
oeconomy and good management. However, the importance of the
study of public oeconomy will not admit of a doubt. It is fully
demonstrated in the following discourse, which was pronounced by
the celebrated author of the "Treatise on Crimes and Punishments"
at the opening of a new professorship instituted last winter at
Milan, for teaching this science.
    To make the public acquainted with this laudable institution,
was one of the translator's motives for publishing the discourse.
Many of our English travellers, who, as members of parliament,
are entrusted with the disposal of the public money, may think a
course of prelections on so important a subject fully as worthy
of their attention as the mere objects of curiosity, which
commonly during their stay in Italy, employ all the time they can
spare from the hurry of pleasure and dissipation. The genius of
the author almost insures the merit of his lectures. Though his
modesty had long been a bar to that encouragement which his
talents deserve, yet it is known that he was invited to
Petersburg by the most flattering offers, to assist in digesting
the code of laws lately published by the Czarina. Domestick ties,
joined to the desire of devoting his abilities to the service of
his own country, made him decline those offers, and not many
months ago this new chair was instituted for him, and I believe
is always to be filled by a person of noble birth; a regulation
which in that country, may be attended with advantages.
    The nature of a public discourse does not admit of minute
discussion; but the smallest productions of real genius, are
always interesting, and even instructive. I know not if a
personal acquaintance with the author renders me partial to him;
but I cannot think that I need make any apology for publishing a
performance, where, if I have been at al able to transfuse into
the translation the spirit of the original, the man of taste will
admire a rich flow of manly eloquence peculiar to this author;
the philosopher, his profound and comprehensive views; and every
lover of his country, that bold and undaunted enthusiasm in
favour of the rights of mankind, which nothing but true
patriotism and genuine virtue can inspire.


A Discourse on Public Oeconomy, and Commerce

    I am appointed by our august sovereign to teach the
principles of public oeconomy and commerce, or those sciences
which furnish the means or increasing the riches of a state, and
applying them to the most useful purposes. In this undertaking,
if my spirits are damped, from a doubt of my abilities being
equal to the difficulties of so vast an object, I am encouraged
and emboldened by the reflection that I am to execute this talk
in my native country; a country where at least I will not be
constrained to cover truth with an artificial veil, nor to bring
all my examples from different nations, or the musty pages of
neglected authors. On the contrary, from the slightest review of
what has been already done in this fortunate province, I behold
an equal abundance of past monuments and present proofs of the
most important maxims of public oeconomy. The lands surveyed;
contributions equally distributed; magistracies erected to guard
the opulence of the state, or to protect the sciences.
    Among the striking instances of the sovereign's favour, one
of the greatest is undoubtedly the choice of that illustrious
personage(1*) who is at the head of affairs; one to whom the
profound branches of literature are not less familiar than the
sage maxims of government, while the noble virtues of affability,
humanity, and equanimity, bestow additional lustre on the high
rank in which he is placed.
    Under such a mild and enlightened administration, in the
lofty shade of the Imperial laurel, the humble laurels of the
muses no longer wither and decay, but renew their strength and
verdure. And in that country which gave birth to Cardan(2*) the
arts and sciences revive, without which the easy but turbulent
weakness of the people, either stagnates in slothful inactivity,
or is torn by the violence of destructive prejudices. --
    The whole extent of the views of government, with respect to
so interesting an object, is not yet made known. In the mean
time, from a generous preference, orders are given to teach in
the language of the country that science, which formerly, from an
useless or rather hurtful degree of caution, was with-held from
public scrutiny and examination. All sciences, but more
especially the political, are enlarged and brought nearer to
evidence, by undergoing numerous and repeated shocks from the
various discussion of different men. General knowledge gives such
weight to public opinion as to prevent abuses. And feeling on the
other hand a thousand prejudices often oppose the wisest designs,
and corrupt, in the eyes of the subject, the purest and most
beneficial decisions of administration; while ridiculous fears,
envy, prepossession, and error, sanctified by use, stand ever in
the way of the most useful innovations; it is surely of the
highest importance, by diffusing light among the multitude, to
dispel these dangerous phantoms, and render in this manner
obedience to superior authority readier and more easy, because
spontaneous and founded in reason.
    It is therefore self-evident, that nothing can be of greater
utility than the supporting this science by public authority, and
encouraging the study of it by those citizens, who are desirous
of rendering themselves worthy to be trusted by their sovereign,
with the jealous custody of his interests, and those of the
nation.
    In guiding us through the unfortunate combinations of
politicks, we must not believe that blind experience and
mechanical habit can supply the place of sure principles, and
maxims drawn from reason. Neither will the knowledge of general
truths suffice, without descending to those particular ones,
which occasion such numerous and diversified modifications in the
theories of this science. It is not alone necessary, for example,
to know, that there are four principal means of promoting trade;
to wit, concurrence in the price of things, oeconomy in the price
of labour, cheapness of carriage, and low interest of money. It
is not sufficient to know, that industry is enlivened, by easing
the duties on the importation of the first materials, and on the
exportation of them when manufactured; and by loading those which
are imposed on imported manufactures, and exported materials;
that every oeconomical operation may be reduced to the means of
procuring the greatest possible quantity of labour and action
among the members of a state; and that in this alone consists
true and primary riches, much rather than in the abundance of a
precious metal, which, being nothing but a symbol, is always
obedient to the call of industry and toil, and, in spite of every
obstruction, flies from idleness and sloth. Along with these
maxims we must attend to the particular situation of a country;
the different circumstances of population, climate, and fertility
of soil, whether natural, or the gift of industry; the nature of
the frontiers; the wants of adjacent countries, and the various
kinds of productions, with the arts which they support.
    Besides all these considerations we must be careful never to
lose sight of the universal bias of human nature, which is much
more securely regulated by obstacles than by prohibitions; which
blindly precipitates itself after present and immediate
advantages neglectful of the future; loving variety and change,
and in the circle of customary things (the examples of which have
a stronger influence than any reasoning) desirous of doing the
most with the smallest possible fatigue; being stimulated or
curbed by the certainty of either good or evil, and debased by
arbitrariness or uncertainty.
    Such great and luminous principles as these, adapted with
accuracy and diligence to the particular circumstances of every
state, must be imprinted on the pliant understandings of young
men, if we would habituate them to the spirit of calculation, and
of rapid and profound comparison, which teaches us to surprize
truth in her most intricate and secret recesses, and whence alone
the science of the lawgiver can attain perfection.
    With such views public oeconomy must diffuse her light
through the obscure and winding labyrinths of private
jurisprudence. Those whose province it is to judge or treat of
the concerns of individuals, so often complicated with the
affairs of public bodies of men, will learn to avoid the
fallacious and fluctuating rules of private equity; and, in the
interpretation of doubtful and ambiguous(3*) cases, they will
adhere to the eternal and invariable laws of utility and general
equity, all which are built on the maxims of public oeconomy.
    Besides, whoever wishes to distinguish himself in his own
science, must not confine himself within the limits of that
science, and neglect such as are analogous, or border on it. All
truths are linked together by an immense chain, and they are
always more variable, more uncertain, and more confused, in
proportion as they are more limited and restrained; more simple,
greater, and more certain when expanded into a wider space, or
raised to a more eminent point of view.
    In proof of this we need only call to mind the aeras and
countries, where the sciences, being buried in feudal anarchy,
and silenced by the din of arms, private jurisprudence became the
public lawgiver. To hinder the free internal circulation of
commodities. -- To load the expeditious business of commerce with
dull and tardy formalities: -- To dream of rendering a state
opulent by imposing stoical sumptuary laws, with a view to check
the expence of the rich individual, and thus dry up the sources
of industry, blunt every spur to labour, and deaden in the
ambitious the hope of bettering their condition, which is as it
were the central heat of every body politick: -- To reduce
artists almost to monastical discipline, condensing them into
corporations, or rather litigious factions, with the power of
levying taxes on themselves, and prescribing themselves laws (the
surest means of making the arts languish since their nourishment
if liberty;) -- To leave a free scope to those people who
(perhaps from respectable motives) formed institutions(4*) of
most dangerous consequence, since they tended to establish this
general canon, which may be termed anti-political, "Let
inactivity be nourished at the public expence, and receive the
reward of sweat and labour:" -- These and such like effects have
flowed from confining jurisprudence within the bounds of private
justice, while it ought to embrace all the great principles of
morality and politicks.
    Further: the study of public oeconomy must necessarily
enlarge and elevate the views of private oeconomy, by suggesting
the means of uniting our own interest with that of the publick.
When accustomed to consider the affairs of the common weal, and
often to call up the ideas of general good, the natural
partiality we bear to our own reasonings, and to objects which
afford us so much intellectual pleasure, re-kindles the
languishing love of our country. We no longer look upon ourselves
as solitary parts of society, but as the children of the public,
of the laws, and of the sovereign. The sphere of our feelings
becomes greater and more lively; the selfish passions diminish,
and social affections are dilated, and gather strength from the
power of imagination and habit; and measuring objects according
to their real dimensions, we lose sight of every mean and
groveling disposition; vices which spring continually from a
false measure of things.
    Hence, by comparing the various professions of men, we view
with satisfaction and wonder the mutual chain of reciprocal
services, by means of which those professions become respectable
and dear to us; not in proportion to the pomp with which they are
cloathed, but according to their real usefulness, and the
difficulties necessarily surmounted in the pursuit of them. Hence
we learn what respect is due to the haughty indolence of those
who bury their poverty among the antiquated images of their
forefathers, and trust for their support to the beneficent and
toilsome industry of the husbandman. Hence we learn that if
admiration is due to the austere and solitary monk, we ought not
to look down with contempt on the humble father of a family, who
parcels out a morsel of bread bathed in his sweat among his
numerous offspring, the tender hope of his country.
    Lastly; one of the great advantages of this science is, that
it is not confined to the solitary philosopher in his closet, nor
occupied about objects remote from the common business of life.
Its objects are such as make the most frequent topic of
discussion in every company and society of men, and every public
occurrence affords an opportunity of applying it. Such a study
then, by internal conviction, and that calm and clear light,
which solid science kindles in our minds, will teach us to guard,
on the one hand, against those venerable prejudices, so often
handed down to us from our forefathers by a kind of family
tradition, and, on the other, against the habitual spirit(5*) of
complaint and discontent, which never ceases in every age and
every country to work upon the distrustfulness and docility of
the ignorant.
    Yet this science, so useful, and even necessary, has been one
of the latest of unfolding itself in the human mind, nor is it
yet arrived at that ultimate degree of perfection of which it
seems susceptible. All the arts and sciences have taken their
rise from our wants; either such as are primary, that is, those
which man feels when solitary and abandoned to himself; or the
secondary, that is, those we acquire when combined in society, by
observation and mutual imitation, as curiously, the desire of
being distinguished, that of shunning what the French term
ennui(6*), and so forth. For in the state of society, while we
learn to supply our natural wants with more facility, the
frequency of our intercourse gives new activity to our faculties,
and augments the number of our desires. Public oeconomy then has
always existed in some degree, as well as commerce, in every
state of society. In every age the exchange of things for things,
either superfluous or necessary, has been practised, and of
actions for things, and actions for actions. This is the
fundamental principle of all traffick. In every age men, united
together from some motive of reciprocal advantage, have been
forced, in order to maintain their union, and gain the end
proposed by it, to concur in a certain number of operations for
the public good, and to put the direction or produce of such
operations into the hands of a supreme magistrate. This is the
fundamental principle of every species of finances, and of their
administration. But knowledge in these matters was solely
acquired by the confused and contradictory lessons of time, the
urgent presence of want, and the instantaneous and hasty fear of
danger; not from a chain of observations and truths, deduced
regularly the one from the other, and adapted to the sum total of
the wants of society.
    It is necessary that a number of ages should elapse,
productive of an immense series of facts and experiments, in
order to help man forward in his flow and intricate progress
towards the oeconomical sciences, and generate the quantity of
minute circumstances requisite to determine some bold and happy
genius to bring them into open day, in spite of the opposition of
private interest, and the fantastical illusions of prevention and
error. In effect, when we take a retrospective view of the first
periods of society, we find mankind thinly scattered upon the
earth, when compared with the present numbers, yet multiplied
beyond the means which nature spontaneously offered of supplying
their wants. Hemmed in by rivers which they could not pass, and
surrounded by mountains to them insurmountable, they barely
exchanged the most necessary commodities, oftener making use of
force to acquire, what in their turn they were deprived of by the
same violence. The first occupation, as the most easy and
necessary to mankind, was the chace. The continual practice of
hunting taught men to distinguish the beasts of pasture, and they
became shepherds. In this more calm and indolent state the spirit
of observation increased; so did the objects and inducements to
commerce, which was ill adapted to the former rude and ferocious
way of life. Wants still multiplying along with population, it
became necessary to second by art, the spontaneous productions of
nature. Thus agriculture took its rise. But the discovery of
metals was what carried nature into a new sphere of things, and
raised our faculties to a higher degree of exercise and
perfection.
    The durability of these for the purposes of art; the desire
of being distinguished by lasting monuments of industry and
strength; the trembling anxiety of mortals in offering up to the
Divinity whatever was dearest and most useful; all concurred to
promote the search after metals, and to stamp a value on the
different kinds in proportion to their scarcity, and the
difficulty of the search. Being afterwards marked in a
distinctive manner, and reduced to a convenient form and
division, they came by degrees to be used as the medium for the
exchange of every commodity, as perhaps the most necessary and
generally useful productions may formerly have been. Such was the
origin of money, a vehicle which has added surprizing mobility
and velocity to the political machine. At length the hardy
perseverance of men inhabiting the sea coasts, by teaching and
improving navigation, increased the communication between
different nations, and the transport and exchange of the various
commodities and luxuries of life.
    Asia, in the Epochs we have a knowledge of, was the first
emporium of trade. The fame of the naval exploits of the
Phenicians still resounds among us. Those enterprising mariners
drew, with unwearied industry, all the gifts of nature from the
East, from Africa, and from Europe, to their own narrow and
barren district, and again exporting and diffusing them where
they were deficient, reduced to the condition of tributaries the
other nations who remained within the limits of their several
countries, ina continual state of emulation and war.
    At a more certain aera, Carthage, a colony of Phenicians
settled on the Mediterranean, rose on the ruins of Tyre and
Sydon; embraced the eastern coasts of Africa by mans of the Red
Sea, and the ports of Elath and Eziongeber; distributed to the
other nations gold and perfumes; and urged her fleets through the
Mediterranean to the western coasts of Europe, even as far as the
Cassiteredes,(7*) now the British isles, bring tin from thence;
and from Spain wool, iron, cotton, gold, and silver. -- In the
mean time Greece flourished by her liberty, and the most sublime
inventions of human genius. But divided into jealous republics,
ever at variance with one another, unless when union was
necessary to support her independence against the Barbarians, she
does not seem to have made commerce an early occupation. Indeed,
it would have ill-suited the turbulency of her democratical
governments, or the parsimonious and disdainful severity of the
military spirit, so much cherished in some of her states.
    Yet the Phoceans, an Anthenian colony, founded Marseilles,
the constant rival of Carthage; while Rome was gradually rising
from an obscure origin, till, actuated by ambition and the love
of conquest, she profited of the alliance of other republics,
jealous of Carthage, to destroy her; and then reduced those very
allies to be her tributaries and subjects.
    Before this epoch Alexander the great had founded a new
empire. By his conquests Egypt, and even the remote countries of
India, deemed till then impenetrable, were laid open, and those
distant seas visited by the fleets of unknown nations. Alexandria
grew to be the second emporium of the trade between the eastern
and western worlds, and continued under the reigns of the
Ptolomies, to enjoy the opulence accruing from that happy
circumstance. But Rome at length, by her victorious arms,
triumphed over all the monuments of antient industry, and
appropriated to herself the riches of the world. The immense
tributes of so many conquered provinces formed at that time the
sole objects of public oeconomy. -- The removal of the feat of
empire to Byzantium(8*) produced an epoch fruitful in
consequences. The most immediate was a great fermentation of
political and oeconomical affairs round the Hellespont. But that
stimulus which arises from the emulation of powerful neighbours
was now lost. Surrounded by mean or barbarous nations, the
sovereign power of the empire fell from its vigour and dignity;
and though the clamourous voice of necessity was not heard at
that center to which all the tributes of the earth gravitated,
yet misery and slavery at length kindled despair and courage in
every breast. The western empire was torn to pieces by the
northern nations. Every art, every species of industry lost. In
Italy alone trade and navigation were still preserved in some
degree by the active and restless disposition of the inhabitants.
The antient republican spirit of that country brooded under the
ashes of the Roman empire, till by degrees it broke the chains
which had been imposed by a ferocious but ignorant people.
Liberty and industry arose from amid the marshes of the
Adriatick.(9*) Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and Florence, though
continually at war among themselves, preserved nevertheless in
the face of all Europe, the domination of the sea, and the
superiority of manufactures. The Italian fleets, by the way of
Alexandria carried on all the trade of the Levant; and the other
European nations consigned to the Italians, as being alone
capable of manufacturing them, all the first materials which
their different countries produced; whilst, among them, the
feudal system had deadened the force of administration, and bent
their necks under the most oppressive species of despotism. The
voyages of the Italians to the northern seas rendered Flanders a
convenient place for depositing their merchandize. Awakened by
their example the Flemish became the second manufacturers of
Europe. Particular privileges bestowed upon their merchants by
the counts of Flanders, animated them still farther. But their
spirit was again depressed by the revocation of these privileges.
Other nations profited of this imprudence; and thus England,
France, Holland, and Germany by means of the Anseatic(10*)
league, came to have a share in that industry and opulence which
had formerly charactised the Italians alone.
    The Jews(11*) persecuted by turns in every country, and that
not so much from a blind zeal for religion, as the desire of
seizing their riches, had recourse to the invention of bills of
exchange to save their treasures from the rapaciousness of
tyrannical inquisitions. This is a fundamental epoch in the
history of commerce, as it augmented to a great degree the
certainty and readiness of communication among the trading
nations. The mariner's compass was invented, by which the
Portuguese were guided to the coasts of Africa, where they formed
many powerful settlements. Bartholomew Diaz doubled the Cape of
Good Hope, a discovery which cost Italy the trade of the Indies.
Soon after, Christopher Columbus (one of those daring geniuses,
on whom the timid prudence of inferior understandings bestows the
appellation of chimerical and romantick) laid open to Spain a new
world, the fruit of long and constant perseverance, in spite of
opposition, and even contempt.
    The gold that abounded here in every quarter excited the
avarice of the Spaniards, and stimulated their courage to such a
degree, that they did not scruple to encounter the perils of an
immense and unknown ocean, and the still more alarming
consequences of a disease which attacked life itself in the very
source. -- Torrents of blood were now poured forth, and millions
of human victims sacrificed, in appearance to the God of peace,
but in reality to satisfy the lust of that metal which represents
every species of pleasure. But the easy, though cruel acquisition
of gold, soon rendered the immediate possessors of it neglectful
of manufactures and agriculture. Mean while the other nations of
Europe, though still excluded from America, were thrown into a
ferment by the discovery; so that the riches the Spaniards
acquired with so much ease, obeying the infallible attraction of
labour and industry, only passed through their hands in order to
circulate in Holland, England, and France.
    Necessity and despair drove the United Provinces to industry
and freedom. A few merchants of that country acquired the
sovereignty of vast kingdoms in the East Indies, and (12*) the
nation secured to itself an inexhaustible source of riches by the
exclusive trade of the Spice Islands.
    Elizabeth queen of England, aided by the wisdom of her
parliament, carried the superiority of manufactures, and the
dominion of the sea, to the highest pitch. The famous act of
navigation(13*) was productive of the most important advantages
to Great Britain, and the different trading companies, formed in
imitation of those in Holland, by combining the strength of the
nation, renewed the example of merchant conquerors afforded us by
the antient Carthaginians.
    In France, Lewis the XIVth, and his minister Colbert,
awakened trade almost instantaneously. They revived every sort of
industry, and nourished and sustained the fine arts, the arts of
leisure and of peace, amid the ambitious enterprizes of conquest.
But that fatal measure, the revocation of the(14*) edict of
Nantz, soon bestowed upon her rivals a great part of her strength
and resources.
    In the mean time the light of those sciences that are most
useful to humanity began to shine forth in Europe, having
triumphed over the obscure idol of peripatetic superstition. The
profound spirit of philosophy and observation extended itself to
public oeconomy and commerce. Already the English had received
from Bacon the first seeds of these sciences, which other
illustrious men of that nation have since developed and brought
to light. In France the Marischal Vauban was the first who spoke
the unknown language of oeconomical reasoning, resembling in
this, as well as in the profession of arms, the great Xenophon,
who has left us the only antient monument we have upon this
branch of politics. But the more thorough cultivation of this
science was reserved for our days, when Melon, the immortal
Montesquieu, Uftaritz, Ulloa, the philosopher Hume, the abbe
Genovesi (founder of it in Italy) together with many others, have
carried it to that height, that nothing more seems wanting,
unless the last and not least difficult lineaments, to render it
perfect, and of general and certain utility.
    If we now turn our eyes from distant objects to our native
country, a striking contrast appears between its past and present
situation. It had long suffered from the thunderbolt of war(15*)
which had so often broke upon it, and the no less pernicious
effects of unequal taxation, and a complicated and confused
system of administration. But, since the accession of the present
sovereign, we have seen it raised to a happy and flourishing
condition, by laws equally simple and comprehensive; laws which
have removed the destructive influence of arbitrary power, and
yet left in the hands of the prince every salutary means of
promoting industry and public felicity. This interesting topic,
too ample for present discussion, will often occur during the
future prosecution of my subject.
    All that remains for me at present is to promise solemnly,
that, in laying open the sure principles of agriculture,
commerce, manufactures, internal policy, and finances, I am
determined never to belye that sacred duty, which ought to bind
all those who are intrusted with public instruction, of speaking
uniformly the language of truth with clearness, simplicity, and
energy. By tracing things up to their original sources, where
they are less entangled among a variety of relations and
modifications, I hope to establish, as far as is possible, exact
and precise definitions. for by thus acquiring a knowledge of
their elements we are enabled to unravel complex and intricate
combinations; or, in other words, a deduction of the most simple
propositions is the best means of bestowing evidence on the more
general and complicated truths. A continual application of the
maxims of oeconomy to our own circumstances will prevent the
tediousness of abstract speculation, and I shall carefully avoid
all the affected apparatus of scientific terms, as it serves no
other purpose but that of rendering science mysterious and
inaccessible. Nor shall I less carefully shun the pedantry of
dogmatical decisions, as I do not wish to teach the native vigour
of the mind to bend under the yoke of servile imitation.
    I am diffident of myself. The importance of a science which
has for its objects the concerns and interest of nations, makes
me tremble; but I look for encouragement and assistance from the
illustrious youth of Milan. The eager curiosity, the docility,
fervor, and indefatigable force of mind, peculiar to the earlier
period of life, will all co-operate to prevent the approaches of
error, however supple and importunate, and to overthrow the force
of barbarous prejudices, or pre-conceived opinions, which might
otherwise rise up in this place in opposition to the timid
efforts of truth, and attempt to baffle the glorious intentions
of government. My wishes will be thoroughly accomplished, if I
can, by the most anxious endeavours, increase the number of
enlightened subjects to our sovereign, of true citizens to my
country, and of virtuous men, fraught with solid knowledge, to
human society.

    The End

NOTES:

1. Count Firmian, Minister Plenioptentiary for the Empress Queen
in her dominions in Lombardy. He is well known to all English
travellers for his love of our country, and his skill in our
language. It may be said to his honour, that though this
discourse was pronounced in his presence, the author's panegyric
does not more than do him justice.

2. Cardan was born at Pavia in 1501. He was famous for his
physical talents, and his skill in astrology; the fashionable
study of the times.

3. The opposite decisions of the two supreme courts of justice,
in this and the neighbouring kingdom, in a late celebrated cause,
may serve both to illustrate and confirm the author's doctrine in
this paragraph.

4. The author here alludes to the institution of religious
orders, the most pernicious invention of misguided piety. Happily
for mankind the different governments of the Catholic countries
seem to vye with each other at present in the steps they are
taking towards their abolition. Indeed, the French and Italians
are in a fair way of accomplishing, with peace and quietness, the
same reformation in religion (at least in what immediately
regards the happiness of civil society) which cost us, about two
centuries ago, so much devastation and bloodshed.

5. That spirit, though less clamourous, is equally prevalent in
other countries as in our own.

6. I know of no English term thoroughly expressive of noia in
Italian, or ennui in French.

7. According to Camden this was properly the name of our isles of
Scilly on the coast of Cornwall, from which the Phenicians
fetched their tin.

8. Now Constantinople.

9. When Attila king of the Huns, invaded Italy in the Vth
century, a few Paduan families, whose descendants still exist at
Venice, taking refuge among the islands at the bottom of the
Adriatick Sea, laid the foundation of that city, the admiration
and wonder of succeeding ages, for the singularity both of its
natural situation and political constitution.

10. The Anseatic or Hanseatic union was a confederacy formed at
first between Bremen and Antwerp for the mutual protection of
their commerce. By degrees others joined in the same league, till
at length (as early as the year 1200) we find all the great
cities of Europe in the list of Hans towns. They raised fleets
and armies, made war on sovereign princes, and were treated with
on a footing of independency. Their combined riches enabled them
to advance large sums of money to the emperors and the kings of
France and England, who in their turns bestowed many great
privileges on them. Among others, our Henry the IIIrd
incorporated them into a trading body, in acknowledgement for
money lent him, as well as the services done him by their naval
forces in 1206. In short, they grew to such power as at last to
become the object of jealousy to those very princes who had
formerly contributed to their aggrandisement; the consequences of
which was, that they commanded all the cities within their
jurisdiction to withdraw from the union. By this fatal blow, and
a decree afterwards made by themselves to exclude every town but
those which stood within the limits of the German empire
(Dantzick excepted) they gradually diminished in number till they
were at last reduced to Lubeck, Bremen, Hamburg,and Dantzick. In
the first of these they held assemblies every three years, but
for some time the league has been intirely dissolved.

11. The exactions imposed on the Jews by Henry III of England,
are shocking to humanity. He had learnt this tyrannical lesson of
his father, who once demanded an exorbitant sum of money from a
Jew at Bristol, and, on his refusal to pay it, ordered one of his
teeth to be drawn every day till he should be brought to reason.
The Jew persevered till he had lost seven teeth, and then paid
the sum required of him. The barbarity of the times is some
excuse for those princes; but is it not surprising that not many
years ago in this liberal and enlightened age, the ministers of a
court in close alliance with ours had determined to banish all
the Jews from their sovereign's extensive dominions, where they
are very numerous; and that nothing but the vigorous
remonstrances of the English minister prevented this measure from
being carried into execution?

12. The decay of the Hans Towns, and their quarrels with England,
contributed greatly to the growth of commerce in Holland.

13. Vide Blackstone's Comm. Ed. iii. vol. I. p. 418.

14. By the revocation of the edict of Nantz (in the year 1685) it
is computed that 800,000 of her most industrious subjects were
driven out of France, and that they carried along with them above
five millions sterling in specie, jewels, and other effects.
Philip the IIId of Spain had embraced a similar measure in that
country towards the beginning of the last century. All the
Moriscos, or descendents of the ancient Moors, to the number of
900,000, were banished from Spain, leaving the kingdom of Granada
and the countries adjacent almost a desert, from being the best
cultivated and best peopled part of his dominions. This
ill-judged piece of tyranny, which his more sagacious predecessor
had always rejected, had perhaps as great a share as the causes
mentioned by our author, in reducing the Spaniards to the low ebb
at which they have so long remained.

15. No state in Europe has been oftener ravaged by war than that
of Milan, first from the ambition of its own dukes, the Galeazzi,
the Visconti, and the Sforza's; and, in later times, on account
of the disputed claims of the different branches of the House of
Austria. It is but too probable that the present settlement of
the younger branches of that family in Italy will lay a
foundation for future misfortunes of the same kind to that
country, if more general and important revolutions, whose seeds
appear to be deeply sown in every state of Europe, do not prevent
them.