Preface
To The French Edition 

We may regard the amazement occasioned throughout Europe by the French Revolution from two standpoints: its influence on foreign nations, and its influence on foreign governments.
 
Every country in Europe considers the cause of the French people as identical with the cause of its own people, or rather, as embracing the interests of the entire world.  But those who rule those countries do not entertain quite the same opinion.  Now, this is a difference to which we are bound to give the deepest attention.  The people are not to be confounded with their government; and this is especially the case when the relation of the English Government to its people is considered.
 
The French Revolution has no more bitter enemy than the English Government.  The evidence of its ill-feeling is plain to every eye; wit- [begin page xxii] ness the gratitude expressed by the Elector of Hanover, sometimes styled King of England, a feeble and crazy personage, to Mr. Burke because the latter has, in his work, grossly libelled it, and also the slanderous invectives of Mr. Pitt, the Prime Minister, in his parliamentary harangues.
 
The behavior of the English Government in its dealings with France is a palpable contradiction of all its pretensions of amity, however seemingly candid, and proves clearly that its official expressions of regard are illusory, that its court is a treacherous court, a demented court, which is a prominent factor in every European plot and quarrel, because it is in search of a war that will serve as an excuse for its insane prodigality.
 
But the people of England are actuated by entirely different motives: they applaud the French Revolution, and are anxious for the triumph of freedom in every land; where they have a fuller comprehension of the plots and I stratagems of their Government, as well as of the principles of the French Revolution, this sentiment will become general and intensified.  It would be well for French citizens to understand that the British journals, even when not actually [begin page xxiii] subsidized by the English Government, are always controlled by its influence.  Naturally, these journals continually assail the French Revolution and give an entirely false idea of its aims, solely with the view of misleading the people of England.  Truth, however, is always ultimately victorious, and so the mendacity of these newspapers no longer produces the effect intended.
 
When it is known everywhere that the English Government prosecutes as a libel a public statement which is admittedly true, that this dictum, "The greater the truth, the greater the libel," is a legal maxim, constantly applied by the judges, it ought to be easy to satisfy the world that truth has always been suppressed in England.  This insult to public morals has received the name of law, and there are vicious judges who actually sentence truth to punishment.
 
The spectacle at present afforded by the English Government is sufficiently strange: it perceives that the ill feeling which once existed between the French and English peoples, and which brought poverty and misfortune to both, is gradually fading away, so now it is looking in other directions for an enemy, because it will have no excuse for its enormous revenue and tax- [begin page xxiv] ation, except it can prove that, somewhere or other, it has enemies. 

As France, then, has declined to be an adversary of England, the Government of that country has no resource but in the supposed hostility of Russia.  Apparently, it is communing with itself in some such fashion as this: "Should no nation show me sufficient kindness as to engage in hostilities against me, then fleets and armies will not be needed, and I shall be compelled to consent to a reduction of taxation.  The war with America gave me an excuse for l doubling my taxes; the affair with Holland contributed to the same purpose; that absurd Nootka business enabled me to collect three million pounds sterling.  Times have changed, and unless I have a war with Russia, the taxation harvest for wars cannot be reaped.  I played the chief role in egging on the Turks against the Russians; I think my present attitude will have the result of reaping another taxation harvest."

But for the fact that the devastation and misery which a war inflicts on a country restrain every tendency to gaiety, and must inspire everyone with sorrow rather than with merriment, the insane conduct of the English Government would only be a subject for mockery. But no [begin page xxv] one can regard with unconcern the sufferings that must necessarily spring from such a wicked policy.  Moreover, it would be as absurd to argue rationally with the sorts of governments that have existed for centuries as it would be to argue with dumb animals.  Whatever reforms are accomplished can only be accomplished by the nations, independent of their governments.  It is at m the present time pretty certain that the peoples of France, England and America, who are at once enlightened and enlightening, will be able in the future to serve as models of good government to the universe and will also have sufficient influence to compel the practical enforcement of it everywhere.

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Thomas Paine French Edition – (Sourced from Internet)
The following text is similar, but different to that above from the Wheeler edition of Paine’s Works.  Perhaps it is the original French Preface that Wheeler referred to in his footnote, or an alternative translation from French.  (Gary Edwards 21.08.2001) 
 
The Author's Preface to the French Edition
The astonishment which the French Revolution has caused throughout Europe should be considered from two different points of view: first as it affects foreign peoples, secondly as it affects their governments. 

The cause of the French people is that of all Europe, or rather of the whole world; but the governments of all those countries are by no means favorable to it.  It is important that we should never lose sight of this distinction.  We must not confuse the peoples with their governments; especially not the English people with its government. 

The government of England is no friend of the revolution of France.  Of this we have sufficient proofs in the thanks given by that weak and witless person, the Elector of Hanover, sometimes called the King of England, to Mr. Burke for the insults heaped on it in his book, and in the malevolent comments of the English Minister, Pitt, in his speeches in Parliament. 

In spite of the professions of sincerest friendship found in the official correspondence of the English government with that of France, its conduct gives the lie to all its declarations, and shows us clearly that it is not a court to be trusted, but an insane court, plunging in all the quarrels and intrigues of Europe, in quest of a war to satisfy its folly and countenance its extravagance. 

The English nation, on the contrary, is very favorably disposed towards the French Revolution, and to the progress of liberty in the whole world; and this feeling will become more general in England as the intrigues and artifices of its government are better known, and the principles of the revolution better understood.  The French should know that most English newspapers are directly in the pay of government, or, if indirectly connected with it, always under its orders; and that those papers constantly distort and attack the revolution in France in order to deceive the nation.  But, as it is impossible long to prevent the prevalence of truth, the daily falsehoods of those papers no longer have the desired effect. 

To be convinced that the voice of truth has been stifled in England, the world needs only to be told that the government regards and prosecutes as a libel that which it should protect. This outrage on morality is called law, and judges are found wicked enough to inflict penalties on truth. 

The English government presents, just now, a curious phenomenon.  Seeing that the French and English nations are getting rid of the prejudices and false notions formerly entertained against each other, and which have cost them so much money, that government seems to be placarding its need of a foe; for unless it finds one somewhere, no pretext exists for the enormous revenue and taxation now deemed necessary. 

Therefore it seeks in Russia the enemy it has lost in France, and appears to say to the universe, or to say to itself. "If nobody will be so kind as to become my foe, I shall need no more fleets nor armies, and shall be forced to reduce my taxes.  The American war enabled me to double the taxes; the Dutch business to add more; the Nootka humbug gave me a pretext for raising three millions sterling more; but unless I can make an enemy of Russia the harvest from wars will end.  I was the first to incite Turk against Russian, and now I hope to reap a fresh crop of taxes." 

If the miseries of war, and the flood of evils it spreads over a country, did not check all inclination to mirth, and turn laughter into grief, the frantic conduct of the government of England would only excite ridicule.  But it is impossible to banish from one's mind the images of suffering which the contemplation of such vicious policy presents.  To reason with governments, as they have existed for ages, is to argue with brutes.  It is only from the nations themselves that reforms can be expected.  There ought not now to exist any doubt that the peoples of France, England, and America, enlightened and enlightening each other, shall henceforth be able, not merely to give the world an example of good government, but by their united influence enforce its practice.  (Translated from the French)