Addenda
1

Luxembourg 14em Vendemiaire, 
Old Style October 4, 1794.  

Dear Sir: I thank you for your very friendly and affectionate letter of the eighteenth of September which I did not receive till this morning.  It has relieved my mind from a load of disquietude.  You will easily suppose that if the information I received had been exact, my situation was without hope.  I had in that case neither section, department nor country, to reclaim me; but that is not all; I felt a poignancy of grief, in having the least reason to suppose that America had so soon forgotten me who had never forgotten her. 

Mr. Labonadaire, in a note of yesterday, directed me to write to the Convention.  As I suppose this measure has been taken in concert with you, I have requested him to show you the letter, of which he will make a translation to accompany the original. 

(I cannot see what motive can induce them to keep me in prison.  It will gratify the Eng- [begin page 136] lish Government and afflict the friends I have in America.  The supporters of the system of terror might apprehend that if I was in liberty and in America I should publish the history of their crimes, but the present persons who have overset that immoral system ought to have no such apprehension.  On the contrary, they ought to consider me as one of themselves, at least as one of their friends.  Had I been an insignificant character had not been in arrestation, It was the literary and philosophical reputation I had gained, in the world, that made them my enemies; and I am the victim of the principles, and if I may be permitted to say It, of the talents, that procured me the esteem of America.  My character is the secret of my arrestation.) 

If the letter I have written be not covered by other authority than my own it will have no effect, for they already know all that I can say.  On what ground do they pretend to deprive  America of the service of any of her citizens without assigning a cause, or only the flimsy one of my being born in England?  Gates, were he here, might be arrested on the same pretense, and he and Burgoyne be confounded together.
 
It is difficult for me to give aft opinion, but among other things that occur to me, I think that [begin page 137] if you were to say that, as it will be necessary to you to inform the Government of America of my situation, you require an explanation with the Committee upon that subject; that you are induced to make this proposal not only out of esteem for the character of the person who is the personal object of it, but because you know that his arrestation will distress the Americans, and the more so as it will appear to them to be contrary to their ideas of civil and national justice, it might perhaps have some effect. 

If the Committee [of Public Safety] will do nothing, it will be necessary to bring this matter openly before the Convention, for I do most sincerely assure you, from the observations that I hear and I suppose the same are made in other places, that the character of America lies under some reproach.
 
All the world knows that I have served her, and they see that I am still in prison; and you know that when people can form a conclusion upon a simple fact, they trouble not themselves about reasons.  I had rather that America cleared herself of all suspicion of ingratitude, though I were to be the victim.
 
You advise me to have patience, but I am fully persuaded that the longer I continue in prison [begin page 138] the more difficult will be my liberation.  There are two reasons for this: the one is that the present Committee, by continuing so long my imprisonment, will naturally suppose that my mind will be soured against them, as it was against those who put me in, and they will continue my imprisonment from the same apprehensions as the former Committee did; the other reason is, that it is now about two months since your arrival, and I am still in prison.  They will explain this into an indifference upon my fate that will encourage them to continue my imprisonment. 

When I hear some people say that it is the Government of America that now keeps me in prison by not reclaiming me, and then pour forth a volley of execrations against her, I know not how to answer them otherwise than by a direct denial which  they do not appear to believe.
 
You will easily conclude that whatever relates to imprisonments and liberations makes a topic of prison conversation; and as I am now the oldest inhabitant within these walls, except two or three, I am often the subject of their remarks, because from the continuance of my imprisonment they augur ill to themselves.  You see I write you everything that occurs to me, and I conclude with thanking you again for your very [begin page 139] friendly and affectionate letter, and am with great respect 

Yours affectionately,
Thomas Paine. 

(To-day is the anniversary of the action at German Town. [October 4, 1777.] Your letter has enabled me to contradict the observations before mentioned.) 

2.

October 13, 1794.

Dear Sir: On the twenty-eighth of this month (October) I shall have suffered ten months' imprisonment, to the dishonor of America as well as of myself, and I speak to you very honestly, when I say that my patience is exhausted.  It is only my actual liberation that can make me believe it.  Had any person told me that I should remain in prison two months after the arrival of a new minister, I should have supposed that he meant to affront me as an American.  By the friendship and sympathy you express in your letter you seem to consider my imprisonment as having connection only with myself, but I am certain that the inferences that follow from it have relation also to the national character of America.  I already feel this in myself, for I no [begin page 138] longer speak with pride of being a citizen of that country.  Is it possible, sir, that I should, when I am suffering unjust imprisonment under the very eye of her new minister.
 
While there was no minister here (for I consider Morris as none) nobody wondered at imprisonment, but now everybody wonders.  The continuance of it under a change of diplomatic circumstances, subjects me to the suspicion having merited it, and also to the suspicion having forfeited my reputation with America; and it subjects her at the same time to the suspicion of ingratitude, or to the reproach of wanting national or diplomatic importance.

The language that some Americans have of my not being considered as an American citizen: though contradicted by yourself, proceeds I believe, from no other motivation, than the shame and dishonor they feel at the imprisonment of fellow-citizen, and they adopt this apology, at my expense, to get rid of that disgrace.

Is it not enough that I suffer imprisonment but my mind also must be wounded and tortured with subjects of this kind?  Did I reason from personal considerations only, independent of principles and the pride of having practised the principles honorably, I should be tempted to curse [begin page 141] the day I knew America.  By contributing to her liberty I have lost my own, and yet her Government beholds my situation in silence.

Wonder not, Sir, at the ideas I express or the language in which I express them.  If I have a heart to feel for others I can feel also for myself, and if I have anxiety for my own honor, I have it also for a country whose suffering infancy I endeavored to nourish and to which I have been enthusiastically attached.  As to patience I have practised it long - as long as it was honorable to do so, and when it goes beyond that point it becomes meanness.
 
I am inclined to believe that you have attended to my imprisonment more as a friend than a minister.  As a friend I thank you for your affectionate attachment.  As a minister you have to look beyond me to the honor and reputation of your Government; and your countrymen, who have accustomed themselves to consider any subject in one line of thinking only, more especially if it makes a strong [impression] upon them, as I believe my situation has made upon you, do not immediately see the matters that have relation to it in another line; and it is to bring these two into one point that I offer you these observations.  A citizen and his country, in a case like mine, are [begin page 142] so closely connected that the case of one is the case of both. 

When you first arrived, the path you had to pursue with respect to my liberation was simple.  I was imprisoned as a foreigner; you knew that foreigner to be a citizen of America, and you knew also his character, and as such you should immediately have reclaimed him.  You could lose nothing by taking strong ground, but you might lose much by taking an inferior one; but instead this, which I conceive would have been the right line of acting, you left me in their hands on the loose intimation that my liberation would take place without your direct interference, and you strongly recommended it to me to wait the issue.  This is more than seven weeks ago and I am still in prison.  I suspect these people are trifling with you, and if they once believe they can do that, you will not easily get any business done except what they wish to have done. 

When I take a review of my whole situation - my circumstances ruined, my health half destroyed, my person imprisoned, and the prospect of imprisonment still staring me in the face, can you wonder at the agony of my feelings?  You lie down in safety and rise to plenty; it is otherwise with me; I am deprived of more than [begin page 143] half the common necessaries of life; I have not a candle to burn and cannot get one.  Fuel can be procured only in small quantities and that with great difficulty and very dear, and to add to the rest, I am fallen into a relapse and am again on the sick list. 

Did you feel the whole force of what I suffer, and the disgrace put upon America by this injustice done to one of her best and most affectionate citizens, you would not, either as a friend or minister, rest a day till you had procured my liberation.  It is the work of two or three hours when you set heartily about it, that is, when you demand me as an American citizen, or propose a conference with the Committee upon that subject; or you may make it the work, of a twelve-month and not succeed.  I know these people better than you do. 

You desire me to believe that "you are placed here on a difficult theater with many important 
objects to attend to, and with but few to consult with, and that it becomes you in pursuit of these to regulate your conduct with respect to each, as to manner and time, as will in your judgment be best calculated to accomplish the whole."  As I know not what these objects are I can say nothing to that point.  But I have always [begin page 144] been taught to believe that the liberty of a citizen was the first object of all free governments, and that it ought not to give preference to, or be blended with, any other.  It is that public object that all the world can see, and which obtains an influence upon public opinion more than any other.

This is not the case with the objects you allude to.  But be those objects what they may, can you suppose you will accomplish them the easier by holding me in the background, or making me only an accident in the negotiation?  Those with whom you confer will conclude from thence I that you do not feel yourself very strong upon those points, and that you politically keep me out of sight in the meantime to make your approach the easier.  There is one part in your letter that is equally as proper should be communicated to the Committee as to me, and which I conceive you are under some diplomatic obligation to do.  It is  that part which you conclude by saying that “to the welfare of Thomas Paine the Americans are  not and cannot be indifferent." 'As it is impossible the Americans can preserve their esteem for me and for my oppressors at the same time, [begin page 145] the injustice to me strikes at the popular part of the Treaty of Alliance. 

If it be the wish of the Committee to reduce the treaty to a mere skeleton of government forms, they are taking the right method to do it, and it is not improbable they will blame you afterward for not informing them upon the subject.  The disposition to retort has been so notorious here, that you ought to be guarded against it at all points. 

You say in your letter that you doubt whether the gentleman who informed me of the language held by some Americans respecting my citizenship of America conveyed even his own ideas clearly upon the subject.  I know not how this may be, but I believe he told me the truth. 

I received a letter a few days ago from a friend and former comrade of mine in which he tells me, that all the Americans he converses with, say, that I should have been in liberty long ago if the minister could have reclaimed me as an American citizen.  When I compare this with the counter-declarations in your letter I can explain the case no otherwise than I have already done, that it is an apology to get rid of the shame and dishonor they feel at the imprisonment of an American citizen, and because they are not [begin page 146] willing it should be supposed there is want of influence in the American Embassy.  But they ought to see that this language is injurious to me.

On the second of this month Vendemiaire received a line from Mr. Beresford in which he tells me I shall be in liberty in two or three days, and that he has this from good authority.  On the twelfth I received a note from Mr. Labonadaire, written at the Bureau of the Concierge, in which he tells me of the interest you take in procuring my liberation, and that after the steps that had been already taken that I ought to write to the Convention to demand my liberty purely and simply as a citizen of the United States of America.  He advised me to send the letter to him, and he would translate it.  I sent the letter, inclosing at the same time a letter to you.  I have heard nothing since of the letter to the Convention. 

On the seventeenth I received a letter from my former comrade Vanhuele, in which he says, “I am just come from Mr. Russell, who had yesterday a conversation with your minister and your liberation is certain - you will be in liberty tomorrow."  Vanhuele also adds, "I find the advice of Mr. Labonadaire good, for though you have [begin page 147] some enemies in the Convention, the strongest and best part are in your favor."

But the case is, and, I felt it while I was writing the letter to the Convention, that there is an awkwardness in my appearing, you being present; for every foreigner should apply through his minister, or rather his minister for him.

When I thus see day after day and month after month, and promise after promise, pass away without effect, what can I conclude but that either the Committees are secretly determined not to let me go, or that the measures you take are not pursued with the vigor necessary to give them effect; or that the American national character is without sufficient importance in the French Republic?  The latter will be gratifying to the English Government.  In short, Sir, the case is now arrived to that crisis, that for the sake of your own reputation as a minister you ought to require a positive answer from the Committee.

As to myself, it is more agreeable to me now to contemplate an honorable destruction, and to perish in the act of protesting against the injustice I suffer, and to caution the people of America against confiding too much in the Treaty of Alliance, violated as it has been in every principle, [begin page 148] and in my imprisonment though an American citizen, than remain in the wretched condition I am.  I am no longer of any use to the world or to myself.  

There was a time when I beheld the Revolution of the tenth Thermidor [the fall of Robespierre] with enthusiasm.  It was the first news my comrade Vanhuele communicated to me during my illness, and it contributed to my recovery.  But there is still something rotten at the center, and the enemies that I have, though perhaps not numerous, are more active than my friends.  If I form a wrong opinion of men or things it is to you I must look to set me right.  You are in possession of the secret.  I know nothing of it.  But that I may be guarded against as many wants as possible I shall set about writing a memorial to Congress, another to the State of Pennsylvania, and an address to the people of America; but it will be difficult for me to finish these until I know from yourself what applications you have made for my liberation, and what answers you have received. 

Ah, Sir, you would have gotten a load of trouble and difficulties off your hands that I fear will multiply every day, had you made it a point .to procure my liberty when you first arrived, and [begin page 149] not left me floating on the promises of men whom you did not know.  You were then a new character.  You had come in consequence of their own request that Morris should be recalled; and had you then, before you opened any subject of negotiation that might arise into controversy, demanded my liberty either as a civility or as a right I see not how they could have refused it. 

I have already said that after all the promises that have been made I am still in prison.  I am in the dark upon all the matters that relate to myself.  I know not if it be to the Convention, to the Committee of Public Safety, of General Surety, or to the deputies who come sometimes to the Luxembourg to examine and put persons in liberty, that applications have been made for my liberation.  But be it to whom it may, my earnest and pressing request to you as Minister is that you will bring this matter to a conclusion by reclaiming me as an American citizen imprisoned in France under the plea of being a foreigner born in England; that I may know the result, and how to prepare the memorials I have mentioned, should there be occasion for them.
 
The right of determining who are American citizens can belong only to America.  The Convention have declared I am not a French citizen [begin page 150] because she has declared me to be a foreigner, and have by that declaration cancelled and annulled the vote of the former assembly that conferred the title of citizen upon citizens or subjects of other countries.  I should not be honest to you nor to myself were I not to express myself as I have done in this letter, and I confide and request you will accept it in that sense and in no other. 

I am, with great respect, your suffering fellow citizen,

Thomas Paine. 

P.S. - If my imprisonment is to continue, and I indulge very little hope to the contrary, I shall be under the absolute necessity of applying to you for a supply of several articles.  Every person here have their families or friends upon the spot who make provision for them.  This is not the case with me; I have no person I can apply to but the American minister, and I can have no doubt that if events should prevent my repaying the expense Congress or the State of' PennsyIvania will discharge it for me.  To-day is twenty-two Vendemiaire, Monday, October thirteenth, but you will not receive this letter till the fourteenth. I will send the bearer to you again on the fifteenth, Wednesday, and I will be obliged to you to send me for the present, [begin page 151] three or four candles, a little sugar of any kind, and some soap for shaving; and I should be glad at the same time to receive a line from you and a memorandum of the articles.  Were I in your place I would order a hogshead of sugar, some boxes of candles and soap from America, for they will become still more scarce.  Perhaps the best method for you to procure them at present is by applying to the American consuls at Bordeaux and Havre, and have them up by the diligence. 

3.

[Undated.]

Dear Sir: As I have not yet received any answer to my last, I have amused myself with writing you the enclosed memoranda.  Though you recommend patience to me I cannot but feel very pointedly the uncomfortableness of my situation, and among other reflections that occur to me I cannot think that America receives any credit from the long imprisonment that I suffer.  It has the appearance of neglecting her citizens and her friends and of encouraging the insults of foreign nations upon them, and upon her commerce.  My imprisonment is as well and perhaps more known in England than in France, and they (the English) will not be intimidated from [begin page 152] molesting an American ship when they see that one of her best citizens (for I have a right to call myself so) can be imprisoned in another country at the mere discretion of a committee, because he is a foreigner. 

When you first arrived, everybody congratulated me that I should soon, if not immediately be in liberty.  Since that time about two hundred have been set free from this prison on the applications of their sections or of individuals - and I am continually hurt by the observations that are made - "that a section in Paris has more influence than America."

It is right that I furnish you with these circumstances.  It is the effect of my anxiety that the character of America suffer no reproach; for the world knows that I have acted a generous duty by her.  I am the third American that has been imprisoned.  Griffiths nine weeks, Haskins about five, and myself eight [months] and yet in prison.  With respect to the two former there was then no minister, for I consider Morris as none; and they were liberated on the applications of the Americans in Paris.  As to myself I had rather be publicly and honorably reclaimed, though the reclamation was refused, than remain in the uncertain situation that I am.  Though [begin page 153] my health has suffered my spirits are not broken.  I have nothing to fear unless innocence and fortitude be crimes.

America, whatever may be my fate, will have no cause to blush for me as a citizen; I hope I shall have none to blush for her as a country.
  
If, my dear Sir, there is anything in the perplexity of ideas I have mistaken, only suppose yourself in my situation, and you will easily find an excuse for it.  I need not say how much I shall rejoice to pay my respects to you without-side the walls of this prison, and to inquire after my American friends.  But I know that nothing can be accomplished here but by unceasing perseverance and application.  Yours affectionately.

4.
October 20,1794.

Dear Sir: I received your friendly letter of the twenty-sixth Vendemiaire on the day it was written, and I thank you for communicating to me your opinion upon my case.  Ideas serve to beget ideas, and as it is from a review of everything that can be said upon a subject, or is any ways connected with it, that the best judgment can be formed how to proceed, I present you I with such ideas as occur to me.  I am sure of  [begin page 154] one thing, which is that you will give them patient and attentive perusal.  You say in your letter that "I must be sensible that although I am an American citizen, yet if you interfere in my behalf as the minister of my country you must demand my liberation only in case there be no charge against me; and that if there is I must be brought to trial previously, since no person in a private character can be exempt from the laws of the country in which he resides."  This is what I have twice attempted to do.  I wrote a letter on the third Sans Culottodi to the deputies, members of the Committee of Surety General, who came to the Luxembourg to examine the persons detained.  The letter was as follows: 

"Citizens Representatives: I offer myself for examination.  Justice is due to every man.  It is justice only that I ask. - Thomas Paine.

As I was not called for examination, nor heard anything in consequence of my letter the first time of sending it, I sent a duplicate of it a few days after.  It was carried to them by my good friend and comrade Vanhuele, who was then going in liberty, having been examined the day before.  Vanhuele wrote me on the next day and said: “Bourdon de l'Oise [who was one of the [begin page 155] examining deputies] is the most inveterate enemy you can have.  The answer he gave me when I presented your letter put me in such a passion with him that I expected I should be sent back again to prison."  I then wrote a third letter but had not an opportunity of sending it, as Bourdon did not come any more till after I received Mr. Labonadaire's letter advising me to write to the Convention.  The letter was as follows. 

"Citizens, I have twice offered myself for examination, and I chose to do this while Bourdon de l'Oise was one of the commissioners.  This deputy has said in the Convention that I intrigued with an ancient agent of the Bureau of Foreign Affairs.  My examination therefore while he is present will give him an opportunity of proving his charge or of convincing himself of his error.  If Bourdon de l'Oise is an honest man he will examine me, but lest he should not I subjoin the following.  That which Bourbon calls an intrigue was at the request of a member of the former Committee of Salut Public; last August was a twelve-month.  I met the member on the Boulevard.  He asked me something in French which I did not understand and we went together to the Bureau of Foreign Affairs, which was near [begin page 156] at hand.  The agent (Otto, whom you probably knew in America) served as interpreter. 

“The member (it was Barrere) then asked me first, If I could furnish him with the plan of Constitution I had presented to the Committee of Constitution, of which I was member with himself, because, he said, it contained several things which he wished had been adopted: secondly, he asked me my opinion upon sending commissioners to the United States of America: thirdly, if fifty or an hundred ship loads of flour could be procured from America. 

As verbal interpretation was tedious, it was agreed that I should give him my opinion in writing, and that the agent [Otto] should translate it, which he did.  I answered the first question by sending him the plan, [of a constitution] which he still has.  To the second, I replied that I thought it would be proper to send commissioners, because that in revolutions circumstances change so fast that it was often necessary to send a better supply of information to an ally than could be communicated by writing; and that Congress had done the same thing during the American war; and I gave him some information that the commissioners would find useful on their arrival.  [begin page 157]
 
“I answered the third question by sending him a list of American exports two years before, distinguishing the several articles by which he would see that the supply he mentioned could be obtained.  I sent him also the plan of Paul Jones, giving it as his, for procuring saltpeter, which was to send a squadron (it did not require a large one) to take possession of the Island of St. Helen's, to keep the English flag flying at the port, that the English East India ships coming from the East Indies, and that ballast with saltpeter, might be induced to enter as usual; and that it would be a considerable time before the English Government could know of what had happened at St. Helen's.  See here what Bourdon de l'Oise has called an intrigue. 

"If it was an intrigue it was between a Committee of Salut Public and myself, for the agent was no more than the interpreter and translator, and the object of the intrigue was to furnish France with flour and saltpeter." 

I suppose Bourdon had heard that the agent and I were seen together talking English, and this was enough for him to found his charge upon.
 
You next say that "I must likewise be sensible that although I am an American citizen that it is likewise believed there [in America] that I [begin page 158] am become a citizen of France, and that in consequence this latter character as so far [illegible] the former as to weaken if not destroy any claim you might have to interpose in my behalf,"

I am sorry I cannot add any new arguments to those I have already advanced on this part of the subject.  But I cannot help asking myself, and I wish you would ask the Committee, If it could possibly be the intention of France to kidnap citizens from America under the pretense of dubbing the with the title of French citizens, and then, after inviting or rather inveigling them into France, make it a pretense for detaining them?  If It was (which I am sure It was not, though they now act as if it was), the insult was to America, though the injury was to me, and the treachery was to both.  Did they mean to kidnap General Washington, Mr, Madison, and several other Americans whom they dubbed with the same title as well as me.

Let any man look at the condition of France when I arrived in it - invaded by Austrians and Prussians and declared to be in danger - and then ask if any man who had a home and a Country to go to, as I had in America, would have posed them from any other motive than of assisting them.  If I could possibly have supp- [begin page 159] posed capable of treachery I certainly would not have trusted myself in their power.  Instead therefore of your being unwilling or apprehensive of meeting the question of French citizenship, they ought to be ashamed of advancing it, and this will be the case unless you admit their arguments or objections too passively.  It is a case on their part fit only for the continuations of Robespierre to set up.
 
As to the name of French citizen, I never considered it in any other light, so far as regarded myself, than as a token of honorary respect.  I never made them any promise nor took any oath of allegiance or of citizenship, nor bound myself by any act or means whatever to the performance of anything.  I acted altogether as a friend invited among them as I supposed on honorable terms.  I did not come to join myself to a government already formed, but to assist in forming one de nouveau, which was afterwards to be submitted to the people whether they would accept it or not, and this any foreigner might do.  And strictly speaking there are no citizens before this is a government.  They are all of the people.  The Americans were not called citizens till after government was established, and not even then [begin page 160] until they had taken the oath of allegiance.  This was the case in Pennsylvania.

But be this French citizenship more or less, the Convention have swept it away by declaring me to be a foreigner, and imprisoning me as such; and this is a short answer to all those who affect to say or to believe that I am French citizen.  A citizen without citizenship is a term non-descript. 

After the two preceding paragraphs you ask - "If it be my wish that you should embark in this controversy (meaning that of reclaiming me) and risk the consequences with respect to myself and the good understanding subsisting between the two countries, or, without relinquishing any point of right, and which might be insisted on in case of extremities, pursue according to your best judgment and with the light before you, the object of my liberation?"

As I believe from the apparent obstinacy of the Committees that circumstances will grow toward the extremity you mention, unless prevented beforehand, I will endeavor to throw into your hands all the lights I can upon the subject. 

In the first place, reclamation may mean two distinct things.  All the reclamations that are made by the sections in behalf of persons de- [begin page 161] tained as suspect are made on the ground that the persons so detained are patriots, and the reclamation is good against the charge of "suspect" because it proves the contrary . 

But my situation includes another circumstance.  I am imprisoned on the charge (if it can be called one) of being a foreigner born in England.  You know that foreigner to be a citizen of the United States of America, and that he has been such since the fourth of July, 1776, the political birthday of the United States, and of every American citizen, for before that period all were British subjects, and the states, then provinces were British dominions.
 
Your reclamation of me therefore as a citizen of the United States (all other considerations apart) is good against the pretense for imprisoning me, or that pretense is equally good against every American citizen born in England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, or Holland, and you know this description of men compose a very great part of the population of the three states of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and make also a part of Congress, and of the state legislatures.
 
Every politician ought to know, and every civilian does know, that the Law of Treaty of [begin page 162] Alliance, and also that of Amity and Commerce, knows no distinction of American citizens on account of the place of their birth, but recognizes all to be citizens whom the Constitution and laws of the United States of America recognize as such; and if I recollect rightly there is an article in the Treaty of Commerce particular to this point.  The law therefore which they have here, to put all persons in arrestation born in any of the countries at war with France, is, when applied to citizens of America born in England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, or Holland, a violation of the treaties of Alliance and of Commerce, because it assumes to make a distinction of citizens which those treaties and the Constitution of America know nothing of.  This is a subject that officially comes under your cognizance as Minister, and it would be consistent that you expostulated with them upon the case.

That foolish old man Vadier, who was president of the Convention and of the Committee of Surety General when the Americans then in Paris went to the bar of the Convention to reclaim me, gave them for answer that my being born in England was cause sufficient for imprisoning me.  It happened that at least half those [begin page 163] who went up with that address were in the same case with myself.
 
As to reclamations on the ground of patriotism it is difficult to know what is to be understood by patriotism here.  There is not a vice, and scarcely a virtue, that has not as the fashion of the moment suited been called by the name of patriotism.  The wretches who composed the revolutionary tribunal of Nantes were the patriots of that day and the criminals of this.  The Jacobins called themselves patriots of the first order, men up to the height of the circumstances, and they are now considered as an antidote to patriotism.  But if we give to patriotism a fixed idea consistent with that of a republic, it would signify a strict adherence to the principles of moral justice, to the equality of civil and political rights, to the system of representative government, and an opposition to every hereditary claim to govern; and of this species of patriotism you know my character.

But, Sir, there are men on the Committee who have changed their party but not their principles.  Their aim is to hold power as long as possible by preventing the establishment of a constitution, and these men are and will be my enemies, and seek to hold me in prison as long as they can.  I [begin page 163] am too good a patriot for them.  It is not improbable that they have heard of the strange language held by some Americans that I am not considered in America as an American citizen, and they may also have heard say, that you had no orders respecting me, and it is not improbable that they interpret that language and that silence into a connivance at my imprisonment.
 
If they had not some ideas of this kind would they resist so long the civil efforts you make for my liberation, or would they attach so much importance to the imprisonment of an individual as to risk (as you say to me) the good understanding that exists between the two countries?  You also say that it is impossible for any person to do more than you have done without adopting the other means, meaning that of reclaiming me.  How then can you account for the want of success after so many efforts, and such a length of time, upwards of ten weeks, without supposing that they fortify themselves in the interpretation I have Just mentioned? 

I can admit that it was not necessary to give orders, and that it was difficult to give direct orders, for I much question if Morris had informed Congress or the President of the whole of the case, or had sent copies of my letters to him as I [begin page 165] had desired him to do.  You would find the case here when you came, and you could not fully understand it till you did come, and as Minister you would have authority to act upon it.  But as you inform me that you know what the wishes of the President are, you will see also that his reputation is exposed to some risk, admitting there to be ground for the supposition I have made. 

It will not add to his popularity to have it believed in America, as I am inclined to think the Committee believe here, that he connives at my imprisonment.  You say also that it is known to everybody that you wish my liberation.  It is, Sir, because they know your wishes that they misinterpret the means you use.  They suppose that those mild means arise from a restriction that you cannot use others, or from a consciousness of some defect on my part of which you are unwilling to provoke the inquiry. 

But as you ask me if it be my wish that you should embark in this controversy and risk the consequences with respect to myself, I will answer this part of the question by marking out precisely the part I wish you to take.  What I mean is a sort of middle line above what you have yet gone, and not up to the full extremity of the case, which will still lie in reserve.  It is to write a [begin page 166] letter the Committee that shall in the first place defeat by anticipation all the objections they might make to a simple reclamation, and at the same time make the ground good for that object.  But instead of sending the letter immediately, to invite some of the Committee to your house and to make that invitation the opportunity of showing them the letter, expressing at the same time a wish that you had done this, from a hope that the business might be settled in an amicable manner without your being forced into an official interference, that would excite the observations of the enemies of both countries, and probably interrupt the harmony that subsisted between the two republics.

But as I cannot convey the ideas I wish you to use by any means so concisely or so well as to suppose myself the writer of the letter I shall adopt this method and you will make use of such parts or such ideas of it as you please if you approve the plan.  Here follows the supposed letter:

Citizens:  When I first arrived amongst you as Minister from the United States of America I was given to understand that the liberation of Thomas Paine would take place without any official interference on my part.  This was the [begin page 167] more agreeable to me as it would not only supersede the necessity of that interference, but would leave to yourselves the whole opportunity of doing justice to a man who, as far as I have been able to learn, has suffered much cruel treatment under what you have denominated the system of terror.  But as I find my expectations have not been fulfilled I am under the official necessity of being more explicit upon the subject than I have hitherto been.

Permit me, in the first place to observe that as it is impossible for me to suppose that it could have been the intention of France to seduce any citizens of America from their allegiance to their proper country by offering them the title of French citizen, so must I be compelled to believe, that the title of French citizen conferred on Thomas Paine was intended only as a mark of honorary respect toward a man who had so eminently distinguished himself in defense of liberty, and on no occasion more so than in promoting and defending your own revolution.  For a proof of this I refer you to his two works entitled "Rights of Man," Those works have procured to him an addition of esteem in America, and I am sorry they have been so ill rewarded in France.  But be this title of French citizen more or less, it [begin page 168] is now entirely swept away by the vote of the Convention which declares him to be a foreigner, and which supersedes the vote of the Assembly that conferred that title upon him, consequently upon the case superseded with it.

In consequence of this vote of the Convention declaring him to be a foreigner the former committees have imprisoned him.  It is therefore become my official duty to declare to you that the foreigner thus imprisoned is a citizen of the United States of America as fully, as legally, as constitutionally as myself, and that he is moreover one of the principal founders of the American Republic.

I have been informed of a law or decree of the Convention which subjects foreigners born in any of the countries at war with France to arrestation and imprisonment.  This law when applied to citizens of America born in England is an infraction of the Treaty of Alliance and of  Amity and Commerce, which knows no distinction of American citizens on account of the place of their birth, but recognizes all to be citizens whom the Constitution and laws of America recognize as such.  The circumstances under which America has been peopled requires this guard on her treaties, because the mass of her citizens are [begin page 169] composed not of natives only but also of the natives of almost all the countries of Europe who have sought an asylum there from the persecutions they experienced in their own countries. 

After this intimation you will without doubt see the propriety of modelling that law to the principles of the treaty, because the law of treaty in cases where it applies is the governing law to both parties alike, and it cannot be infracted without hazarding the existence of the treaty. 

Of the the patriotism of Thomas Paine I can speak fully, if we agree to give to patriotism a fixed idea consistent with that of a republic.  It would then signify a strict adherence to moral justice, to the equality of civil and political rights, to the system of representative government, and an opposition to all hereditary claims to govern.  Admitting patriotism to consist in these principles, I know of no man who has gone beyond Thomas Paine in promulgating and defending them, and that for almost twenty years past.

I have now spoken to you on the principal matters concerned in the case of Thomas Paine.  The title of French citizen which you had enforced upon him, you have since taken away by declaring him to be a foreigner, and consequently this part of the subject ceases of itself.  I have [begin page 170] declared to you that this foreigner is a citizen of the United States of America, and have assured you of his patriotism.
 
I cannot help at the same time repeating to you my wish that his liberation had taken place without my being obliged to go thus far into the subject, because it is the mutual interest of both republics to avoid as much as possible all subjects of controversy, especially those from which no possible good can flow.

I still hope that you will save me the unpleasant task of proceeding any further by sending me an order for his liberation, which the injured state of his health absolutely requires.  I shall be happy to receive such an order from you and happy in presenting it to him, for to the welfare of Thomas Paine the Americans are not and cannot be indifferent 

This is the sort of letter I wish you to write, for I have no idea that you will succeed by any measures that can, by any kind of construction, be interpreted into a want of confidence or an apprehension of consequences.  It is themselves that ought to be apprehensive of consequences if any are to be apprehended.  They, I mean the committees, are not certain that the Convention or the nation would support them in forcing any [begin page 171] question of extremity that might interrupt the good understanding subsisting between the two countries; and I know of no question [so likely] to do this as that which involves the rights and liberty of a citizen. 

You will please to observe that I have put the case of French citizenship in a point of view  that ought not only to preclude, but to make them ashamed to advance anything upon this subject; and this is better than to have to answer their counter-reclamation afterwards.  Either the citizenship was intended as a token of honorary respect, or it was intended to deprive America of a citizen or to seduce him from his allegiance to his proper country.  If it was intended as an honor they must act consistently with the principle of honor.  But if they make a pretense for detaining me, they convict themselves of the act of seduction. 

Had America singled out any particular French citizen, complimented him with the title of Citizen of America, which he without suspecting any fraudulent intention might accept, and then after having invited or rather inveigled him into America made his acceptance of that title a pretense for seducing or forcing him from his allegiance to France, would not France have just [begin page 172] cause to be offended at America?  And ought not America to have the same right to be offended at France?  And will the committees take upon themselves to answer for the dishonor they bring upon the national character of their country? 

If these arguments are stated beforehand they will prevent the committees going into the subject of French citizenship.  They must be ashamed of it. 

But after all the case comes to this, that this French citizenship appertains no longer to me because the Convention, as I have already said, have swept it away by declaring me to be a foreigner, and it is not in the power of the committees to reverse it.  But if I am to be citizen and foreigner, and citizen again, just when and how and for any purpose they please, they take the Government of America, into their own hands and make her only a cipher in their system.

Though these Ideas have been long with me they have been more particularly matured by reading your last communication, and I have many reasons to wish you had opened that communication sooner.  I am best acquainted with the persons you have to deal with and the circumstances of my own case.  If you choose to adopt the letter as it is, I send you a translation for [begin page 173] the sake of expediting the business.  I have endeavored to conceive your own manner of expression as well as I could, and the civility of language you would use, but the matter of the letter is essential to me. 

If you choose to confer with some of the members of the Committee at your own house on the subject of the letter it may render the sending it unnecessary; but in either case I must request and press you not to give away to evasion and delay, and that you will fix positively with them that they shall give you an answer in three or four days whether they will liberate me on the representation you have made in the letter, or whether you must be forced to go further into the subject.  The state of my health will not admit of delay, and besides, the tortured state of my mind wears me down.

If they talk of bringing me to trial (and I well know there is no accusation against me and that they can bring none) I certainly shall summon you as an evidence to my character.  This I you may mention to them either as what I intend to do or what you intend to do voluntarily for me.
 
I am anxious that you undertake this business without losing time, because if I am not lib- [begin page 174] erated in the course of this decade, I intend, if in case the seventy-one detained deputies are liberated, to follow the same track that they have done, and publish my own case myself.  I cannot rest any longer in this state of miserable suspense, be the consequences what they may. 

Thomas Paine.

5.

Dear Sir: I need not mention to you the happiness I received from the information you sent me by Mr. Beresford.  I easily guess the persons you have conversed with on the subject of my liberation - but matters and even promises that pass in conversation are not quite so strictly attended to here as in the country you come from.

I am not, my dear Sir, impatient from anything in my disposition, but the state of my health requires liberty and a better air; and besides this, the rules of the prison do not permit me, though I have all the indulgences the concierge can give, to procure the things necessary to my recovery, which is slow as to strength.  I have a tolerable appetite but the allowance of provision is scanty.  We are not allowed a knife to cut our victuals with, nor a razor to shave; but they have lately allowed some barbers that are here to shave.

The room where I am lodged is a ground floor [begin page 175] level with the earth in the garden and floored with brick, and is so wet after every rain that I cannot guard against taking colds that continually cheat my recovery.  If you could, without interfering with or deranging the mode proposed for my liberation, inform the Committee that the state of my health requires liberty and air, it would be good ground to hasten my liberation. 

The length of my imprisonment is also a reason, for I am now almost the oldest inhabitant of this uncomfortable mansion, and I see twenty, thirty and sometimes forty persons a day put in liberty who have not been so long confined as myself.  Their liberation is a happiness to me; but I feel sometimes, a little mortification that I am thus left behind. 

I leave it entirely to you to arrange this matter.  The messenger waits. 

Yours affectionately,
 T.P. 

I hope and wish much to see you.  I have much to say.  I have had the attendance of Dr. Graham (physician to General O'Hara, who is prisoner here) and of Dr. Makouski, house physician, who has been most exceedingly kind to me.  After I am at liberty I shall be glad to introduce him to you.